The role of the VABGAS in the ethno cultural history of ancient Bengal

The role of the VABGAS in the ethno cultural history of ancient Bengal

Annopurna Chottopadhy (Guest Professor, Vidyasagar University, West Midnapur, India)

Of all the tribal or semi-tribal communities of Bengal, perhaps the Vangas were the most ancient and oldest people. The whole country has been named after the name of this community and its people are also called Vabgali or Bengali. There are also various forms of the name of the country, such as Vabga, Vabgala, Vabgadesha, etc., all derived from the original name Vabga. The name of the people of the country such as Vabgali, Vabgali, i.e., the people of Bengal or Bengali people has been also derived from the term Vabga.1
The present paper makes an analytical study of the Vabgas, one of the ancient peoples of Bengal in a somewhat comprehensive manner. The Vangas along with the other ancient tribes of Bengal like the Pundras, the Suhms, the Radhas and the Gaudas had their contributions to the formation of the Bengali people and culture (i.e. the people of Bengal before 1947). Here the Vabgas have been treated with relevant brief discussion relating only to their references in both early literary texts and inscriptions. All relevant materials relating to the role of the Vabgas in the ethno-cultural history of ancient Bengal have been collated and systematised for giving a coherent picture of the Vabgas.

The Vabgas are mentioned in both early literary texts and inscriptions. The Rgveda does not mention the Vabgas or Vabgadesha implying, thereby, that these people and their country were not known to the Rgvedic hymn composers. It is, however, in the Aitareya Aranyaka that the Vabgas figure along with the Pundras and the Vagadhas2 (Vabgavagadhas=Cherapadah). In the Atharvaveda, the expression is found in an amended form as Magadha-Vabga-Matsyah.3 Here, Vabga-Magadha implying the Vanga and Magadha peoples have been specifically referred to. The Vabgas have been again compared or rather called birds as attested to by the expression: Cherapadah (Vayamsi Vabgavagadhas-Cherapadah Magadah).4 Though the exact meaning or significance of the expression is not distinctly clear, it appears that the Vabgas and the Vagadhas have been plausibly delineated by the totemic names. It naturally implies that the Vabgas might have the birds as their totems. The Vabga territory has been further described by the Vedic Aryans in the Aitareya-Brahmana (about the 7th century BC) as the land of the barbarians. It is also stated in the same Brahmana that the Pundras, the Andhras and the Xavaras live on the border of the Arya country, and the bulk of them are the Dasyus.5 It may thus be contented that in the post-Vedic texts, the Vangas have been portrayed either as birds or barbarians implying thereby that those people were outside the pale of the Vedic culture.

This contention is fully supported by the Dharmasutra texts. In Baudhayana’s Dharmasutra, (about 6th—5th century B.C.), the Vabgas along with the Pundras and the Kalibgas have been regarded as impure peoples.6 There are also certain other references to those people, and accordingly it has been enjoined that any person visiting their countries shall have to be purified by performing purificatory rites like the Punastoma or Sarvaprishtha.7 Later on, this injunction was modified by stating: Abga-Vabga-Kalibgeshu Saurashtra-Magadhesu cha Tirthayatram-vinagacchan punah samskaram-arhati.8 According to this prescription, anybody visiting Abga, Vabga, Kalibga etc., except on pilgrimage, was required to undergo initiation for the second time. In the Dharmasutra of Baudhayana, the Vangas are also mentioned in a list of peoples who lived in regions beyond the zone of the Aryan culture.9

It is to be admitted that the Vabgas do not figure prominently in the Jaina and Buddhist texts. In the full list of the Jaina-Upabga called Prajñapana, a reference has been made to the Vangas whose capital city was at Tamalitti (Tamralipti).10 The Vabgas as the Eastern Aryas have been occasionally referred to in the Prajñapana. In the list of sixteen kingdoms as described in the Jaina Bhagavati-sutra the Vabga country is also included as one of the Mahajanapadas.11
In the Buddhist texts as well Vabga does not figure very prominently. Even in the list of Solasamahajanapadasa as given in the Anguttara-Nikaya, the Vabga country is not included.12 In the Milinda-Pañho Vabga is described as a maritime country frequented by ships with merchandise.13 All these are indications which make it highly probable that the earliest use of the term Vabga was also related to the littoral region of Bengal which included that portions of the Suhma country. Again in the Lalitavistara, there is a reference to Vabgalipi.14 It appears that by the time of this work, the Vangas had their own script. Further in the Ceylonese Chronicles the prince Vijaya has been represented as the grandson of a princes of Vabga.15 It thus appears that by the time of the composition of the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, Vabga was a kingdom ruled by a king.16

In the Epics, the Vabgas have been generally mentioned along with other neighbouring peoples. As for instance, the Vangas have been mentioned in Ramayana along with the Angas.17 The Vabgas have been also referred to in the Ramayana as peoples in political alliance with the king of Ayodhya. In the Digvijaya section of the Mahabharata, there is a sequential account of the conquests of Bhima. We are told that Vima after subjugating the Pundras fell on the Vabgas. A perusal of the conquests made by Vima would attest that the country of the Vabgas was primarily a coastal territory. The Vangas are also specifically mentioned in the Bhishmaparvan, the Sabhaparvan of the Mahabharata.18 In the Mahabhashya of Patanjali, the Vabgas and their country have been excluded from the Aryavarta, and in the Arthaxastra of Kautilya, the Vabgas figure as a very prominent people.19

It is, however, in the Puranas like the Markandeya-purana, Matsya-purana and the classical Sanskrit texts like the Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa that the Vabga people have been specifically described.20 In Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa, the great conqueror Raghu is said to have exterminated the Vabgas and set up pillars of victory in the Island of the Gabga (Vabganutkhaya tarasa neta nausadhanodyatan Nichakhan Jayastambhan Gabgasrotontareshu sah).21 This establishes the connection of Vabga with the Gabga Delta, and that it extended also up to the river Kapisa (Kasai). Besides, the Vabgas are also referred to in the Kamasutra, Brhatsamhita, Dasakumaracharita, Gaudavaho and in many other texts, Varahamihira places Vabga in the South-east division of Bengal.22

Thus the Vabgas as a group of people have been abundantly mentioned in the early literary texts. Not only that, the Vabgas are often referred to in inscriptions as well. The earliest epigraphic record of Bengal, namely, the Mahasthan inscription (3rd century B.C) records the expression: Samvamgiyanam, i.e., the Samvamgiya people.23 Here the derivation of Vabgiyanam from Vabga appears to be explicit. Again, Bhandarkar regards the Vabgiyas as identical with the Vabgas. In many other inscriptions, there are similar expressions in the forms of Vabga, Vabgesu, Vabga Janapadesu, Vabgaladesam, Vabgas and so on. As for instance, in the Second Apsidal Temple inscription at Nagarjunikonda24 (3rd century, A.D.) the Vabgas are described as having been converted into Buddhism by the monks hailing from Tambapamna or Ceylon.24 In the Meherauli Iron Pillar inscription of the king Chandra of the 4th century A.D., it is said that the king Chandra destroyed his Eastern enemies designated as the Vabgas in Bengal (Vangeshu, Vabga-Janapadesu).25 The Mahakuta Pillar inscription of Chalkyas of Vatapi (6th century A.D.) relates that in the 6th century A.D. Kirtivarman of the Chalukya dynasty gained victories over the kings of Vabga, Anga, Magadha and the neighbouring countries.26 In the Tirumali Rock inscription of the king Rajendra Chola (11th century A.D.), the expression Vangaladesam, i.e., the realm of the Vangalas or Vabgas is found mentioned.27 The Bhuvanesvara inscription of Bhatta Bhavadeva refers to “a ruler whose line was connected with Eastern Begal”.28 Again in the Pithapuran plates of Prithivisena (12th century A.D., the king Malla is said to have subdued among others the kings of the Vabgas, the Magadhas and the Gaudas.29 The Vanga country is also mentioned in the Kamauli copper plate grant of Vaidyadeva of Kamarupa, Bhuvanesvara inscription of Bhattabhavadeva, Madanapada grant of Visvarupasena of the 13th century A.D., Rampal copper plate of Srichandrasena, Edilpur copper plate of Kesavasena, Sahitya Parishat copper plate of Visvarupasena, etc.30 It would thus appear that in the inscriptions there are frequent references to the Vanga people and also to the land inhabited by them, which refers only to a particular region of Bengal. From these evidence, it would appear that the Vabgas were non-Aryan speaking people.

Regarding the non-Aryan origins of the Vabgas there are some mythical stories described in the epics and the Puarnas like the Vayu, the Bramanda, the Matsya, the Bhagavata, etc. It has been stated that the Vabga, Anga, Kalibga, Pundra, Suhmah were five sons of Sudesna, the wife of the king Vali by the blind and old sage Dirghatama.31 This story thus speaks of the non-Aryan origin of the Vabga people. It is evident from these texts that the Vabgas were the descendants of one of the five sons of the sage Dirghatama. This story further gives an indication that serious attempts were made by the earlier writers to brand the Vabgas and others as originating from an Aryan and non- Aryan admixture.

Very little is known about the physical characters and cultural patterns of the Vanga people from early literary texts or inscriptions. It is, therefore, very difficult to determine the ethnic affiliations or origins of the Vabgas because of the lack of the details regarding their physical characters in the literary texts and inscriptions. The Vabgax- as the oldest peoples of Bengal- have left behind no trace of their surviving elements to recount the glorious deeds of their ancestors, and as such, it is not possible to identify them with any particular living community of today. The primary reason appears to be that unlike other tribal communities like the Pundras, etc., the Vabgas were largely mixed up with all other peoples in such a way as not to leave any trace of their separate existence or identity. This happened in their both ethnic and cultural spheres. It may be contended that at present they are distinctly of mixed ethnic origins. There is, however, little doubt that the Vabgas were perhaps one of the most ancient known peoples of Bengal. In that case, they may be affiliated to Austic language speaking peoples who are to be again ethnically included in the Australoid ethnic stock and whose surviving remnants are still to be found predominant amongst those who form the bulk of the population of the lower orders of the Bengali people, Hindus and non-Hindus.

Like the physical characters, very little information can be gathered as to the cultural patterns of the Vabga people from early literary texts or inscriptions. In the Manjusrimulakalpa, it has been stated that in the Vabga, Harikela and Samatata, the peoples spoke the Asura-speech.32 This is a clear indication that the Vangas spoke a non-Aryan tongue. The Vabga language is, however, said to possess a poetic character. This becomes evident from the Saduktikarnamrita which compares it with the flow of the Gabga, i.e., fluent like the current of the Gabga.33 Again the dialect spoken by the Vangalis possesses a distinct regional character and is different from the one spoken in West Bengal. Not only that, even there is reference to Vabga-lipi.34 It implies that even in Vabgadesa, a characteristic alphabet developed. In the Natyaśastra of Bharata, the Vabga country along with other Eastern countries is said to have adopted the local usage called Odramagadhi.35 The very term “Vabga” may be of origin, either Tibeto-Burman or Austro-Asiatic or Dravidian. Some scholars have suggested that the term Vanga originated from the Tibetan word bans or ban meaning marshy or moist land, i.e., watery land.36 This implies that the entire area crisscrossed by rivers and marshy land was called Vabga. Generally, the Vabgas settled in the area at present known as Dhaka, Sonargaon, Faridpur, Noakhali, Barishal, Chittagong etc. The Aryans of Upper India were little conversant with the people of this Eastern area. Accordingly, the Vabgas were outside the fold of Aryan speaking zone. It is quite likely that the language spoken by the Vabgas were primarily of Austro-Asiatic origins. This will be evident from a linguistic analysis even of the present day Bengali language of the Indo-Aryan affiliation.

Culturally speaking, the Vabgas were closely associated with the cultivation of paddy including terrace-cultivation.36a Secondly, the Vabgas were expert artisans excelling in weaving textiles. From the account of the manufacture of cotton fabrics as given in the Arthasastra, it appears that the Vabgas excelled in weaving textiles. It has been stated that the Vanga country was very well-known for best cotton fabrics. Kautilya has specifically noted that white and soft textiles were manufactured in the Vabga country (Vabgakam svetamsnigdham dukulam).37 Again, the cotton fabrics of Vabga, Mathura, Kalibga etc., are said to be of the best quality (Vabgakam Karpasikam Sreshthan).37a In this connection, it is noticeable that the word Vabgameans cotton (Kapas/tula). In other Indo-Aryan languages of Eastern India, Vabg means Kapas-tree and in Bhojpuri language, Vangor (Vanput) means Kapas-kos.38 It appears that the term Vabgahas has an inseparable connection with the cotton cultivation and industry, and the land producing cotton and excelling in manufacturing cotton fabrics came to be called Vabga. i.e., the country named after its chief production. From the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century A.D.), it is known that the world famous finest Muslins were exported to the markets of the Western countries from Vabga.38a In the medieval period, the glory of the Muslins was retained. Even now the famous Dhakai Jamdani and Tangail Saree make their mark in the World Market. Herein lies the role and contributions of the ancient Vabgas. The Muslim writers, however, called Vabgaas simply Bang. Again Vabga means also tin, i.e., ranga,38b and in the Amarakosha, the expression is Ranga-vabga. Tin was, however, absent in Bengal, but available in Malay, Pegu, China and East Indies. From these countries, tin might have been supplied to different parts of India through the coastal parts of South Bengal. Accordingly, the region importing tin from South-east Asia and supplying the same to other parts of india might have been called Vabga, i.e., named tin. But the former derivation appears to be more substantive. From very early times, the Vabgas were also expert navigators and sailors. From the Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa, it is known that the Vabgas fought against the king Raghu from their boats. Mukundarama in his Chandimangala speaks of the Vabgalas as good sailors. In this respect, it may be also noted that even today the people of Chittagong and Noakhali regions are reputed sailors. The peoples from the Bhati areas, i.e., primarly the Vabgalas are even today well-known sailors.39 In ancient times as well, the Vabgas went to far-off lands and colonised many places of South-east Asia. Before the spread of Brahmabical religion in the Vabga country, the Vabgas adopted Buddhism as referred to in the Nagarjunikonda inscription of the 3rd century A.D.39a But from indeterminable times, Gabgasagar has been a holy place, and it is because of this Tirtha-kshetra that the stigma of unholiness of the Vabga country and the taboo on paying a visit to this land were considerably modified.40 Vabga is also mentioned as one of the 18 tirthas as referred to in the Kularnavatantra.40a Again, the king Srichandra is said to have established 8 Maths (temple/cell) in Srihatta-mandal. Of these, four are called Vabgala meaning thereby that these were located in the Vabgala country.41 In religion, the non-Aryan Vabgas were originally animistic and totemistic peoples. They believed in magic, fertility cult and the like. The snake worship has been very common to them till today. It is significant to note that the snake or Naga or Manasa worship is of Dravidian origin.42 It is not also unlikely that the Vabgas were Cherapadas because of their totemic affiliation with the birds. Besides, the Vabgas might have been also called because of their speech which was unintelligible. This implies that the Vabgas were speakers of a non-Aryan language which was perhaps of Ausrtro-Asiatic affiliations. Accordingly, their culture and religion appears to have been primarily derived from the same source, i.e., Austro-Asiatic.

Thus it is evident that the identity of ancient Vabgas cannot be firmly determined, because of their ethnic and cultural admixtures. The Vabgas originated from the Austroloid ethnic group. Subsequently, the Vabgas amalgamated with all other peoples who settled in Bengal. Accordingly, the Vabgas developed mixed physical characters and culture. Other peoples belonging to the Mediterranean ethnic stock and Dravidian linguistic family got inextricably mixed up with the primitive Vabgas. The process continued through long centuries, and many other peoples joined the milieu. Traces of surviving elements of many linguistic, ethnic and cultural groups may be now detected more particularly amongst those who belong to the lowest orders of the society. Though the ancient Vabgas lost their ethnic linguistic or cultural identity, they no doubt made basic contributions by their own name to this country called Bengal, now West Bengal and Bangladesh and also to the composition of her peoples and culture as a whole.

1 R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal (Kalikata, 1971), pp. 8, 11; D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India (Delhi, 1971), pp. 131-132; Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XVI, pp. 227-235; A.B. Keith (trans), Aitareya-Aranayak (Oxford, 1909), p. 200.
2 A.B. Keith, op. cit., p. 200; A..A. Macdonell & A.B. Keith, Vedic Index of Nmaes and Subjects (Vol. I & II, reprint, Delhi, 1958), Vol. II, p. 237.
3 A..A. Macdonell & A.B. Keith, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 237; Atharva Veda Parisishta., 1.7.7.
4 Macdonell & Keith, op.cit., pp. 101, 102.
5 Ibid., op.cit., Vol. I., p. 536; Aitareya Brahmana, VIII, 18.
6 Baudhayana Dharmasatra, 1.1.14; 1.1.25-31; Oldenberg, Buddha, 394n; Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XXIX, p. 142; Macdonell & Keith, op.cit., Vol. II, p. 237
7 Baudhayana Dharmasatra, 1.1.29; Sacred Book of the East, XIV, 1.2.13., p. 148; B.C. Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal (Calcutt, 1942), p. 21; P.C. Bagchi (trans), Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India (Calcutta, 1929), pp. 73-74; H.C. Chakladar, Proceedings of Indian Science Congress, XXIII Session, 1936 (Indor), Presidential Address, Anthropology Section, Problem of the Racial composition of the Indian People, p. 371 ff; D.C. Sircar, Studies in Social and Administration of Ancient and Medieval India (Vol. 1, Calcutta, 1967), pp. 1-3; Annapurna Chattopadhaya, Presidential Address, Section 1, Ancient India, Indian History Congress, 65th session, Diverse Ethno-Cultural Trends into Ancient Bengal; A Study of Processes of Acculturation (Kolkata, 2004), p. 34, 40 & Ref. 54.
8 P.C. Bagchi, Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India pp. 73-74; B.C. Sen, op. cit., p. 24; Annapurna Chattopadhaya, op.cit.; Diverse Ethno-Cultural Trends into Ancient Bengal; A Study of Processes of Acculturation (Kolkata, 2004), p. 41.
9 Baudhayana Dharmasatra, 1.1.25-31; D.C. Sircar, Studies in Social and Administration of Ancient and Medieval India (Calcutta, 1967), Vol. 1, p. 3.
10 Indian Antiquary, Vol XX., pp. 373-375; H.C. Raychowdhury, Studies in the Indian Antiquities (Calcutta, 1958), p. 265; Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1908, p. 290; S.B. Choudhury, Ethnic Settlement of Ancient India (Calcutta, 1955), p. 179.
11 S.B. Choudhury, op. cit., p. 31.
12 Anguttaranikaya, 1, XIV., 3; Morris, Pali Text Society (London, 1885-1900), Vol. 1., p. 213.; Vol. IV., pp. 252, 256, 260.
13 Milindapanha, chap. VII, pp. 3, 42; Sacred Book of the East, XXXVI., ii., pp. 269, 359.
14 G.H. Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala (Ajmir, 1918), p. 17, note 3, D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India (Delhi, 1971), p. 127.
15 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1938, p. 932; B.C. Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal, p. 46.
16 Ibid. Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal, 1938.
17 Ramayana, B.K II., Chap. X., pp. 36-37.
18 Panchanan Tarkaratna, Mahabharata (Vangavasi edn., Calcutta, 1830 Sakabda), Vol. 1, Sabhaparvan, Chap. XIV, 13-20, pp. 230-32; Vol. II, Karnapavan, Chap. VIII, 19, p. 1171; Dronaparvan, Chap. X, 15, p. 1002; R.C. Majumdar (ed), History of Bengal (Dacca, 1943), Vol. 1, pp. 38-39.
19 Patanjali’s Mahabhasya IV.1.4; Keilhorn’s edn, II, p. 282; T. Shamasastry (trans), Kautilya’s Arthasastra (Mysore, 1967), BK. II, Chap. II, pp. 82-83.
20 Pargiter (trnas), Markandeya Purana, p. 325; Matsya Purana, Chap. 114, pp. 43-45; Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa, Canto, IV, pp. 35-36.
21 Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa, Canto, IV, pp. 35-36.
22 K.K. Dasgupta, The Topographical list of the Brhatsamhita, (by J.F. Fleet and K.K. Dasgupta (ed.), Calcutta, 1973), pp. 101-102.
23 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscription Bearing on Indian History and Civilization (Calcutta, 1965), pp. 79-80; S.K. Maity & R.R. Mukharjee, Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions Bearing on History and Civilization of Bengal (Calcutta, 1967), p. 40; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI, p. 85; Indian Historical Quarterly, 1934, p. 57ff.
24 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions (op.cit), p. 228ff, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX, pp. 16-19ff.; R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, p. 522.
25 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions (op.cit), pp. 283-285; Indian Antiquary, XLVIII, pp. 98-101; Indian Culture, Vol. 1, 1934-35, p. 60.
26 Bombay gazetter, Vol. 1, pt.ii, pp. 345-46; R.C. Majumdar, Pusalkar and others (ed), History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III (The Classical Age), (Bombay 1954-1960), pp. 232-233; D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 165-66.
27 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 231; Indian Culture, Vol. 1, 1934-35, p. 61.
28 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, pp. 203-207; B.C. Sen, op.cit., p. 86; S.K. Maity & R.R. Mukharjee, Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions (op.cit), pp. 350-361; N.G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, (Rajshahi, 1929), pp. 25-41.
29 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX, pp. 22-23; Hultzsch, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (Ocford, 1925), Vol. 1, p. 141.
30 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 355ff; Maity & Mukharjee, op.cit., 351ff, 370ff, 312ff, 221ff, 333ff; N.G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 119ff, 141ff.
31 Panchanan Tarakaratna, Mahabharata, Vol 1, Adiparva, Chap. 104, 34-56, p. 114; Vayupurana, Chap. 99, 26-34, 47-97; Brahmavaivartapurana; iii, Chap. 74, 25-34, 47-100; Matsyapurana, Chap. 48, 23-29, 43-89; Bhagavatapurana, IX, Chap. 23, 5.
32 T. Ganapati Sastri (trans), Aryamanjusrimulakalpa (Trivandum, 1925), pp. 232-233.
34 D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India,p. 127; G.H. Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala (Ajmir, 1918), p. 17, note 3.
35 M. Ghosh, Bharata’s Natyasastra (Calcutta, 1950), Vol. 1, p. 243.
36 Modern Review (September 1936), p. 275 (N.N. Choudhury, A Note on Vanga and Vangala); Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XII, 1936, pp. 522-524 (P. Paul, Vanga and Vangala)
36a S.K. Chatterji, Indo-Aryan and Hindi (Calcutta, 1969), p. 38; The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Vol III (Calcutta, reprint, 1985), p. 14 (for terrace and jhum cultivation); Sarat Chandra Roy, Studies in Indian Anthropology (Indian Studies, Past and Present, Calcutta, 1966), pp. 51, 53 (for terrace cultivation).
37 T. Shamasastry (trans), Kautilya’s Arthasastra (Mysore 1967), p. 83; R.G. Basak, Kautilyiya Arthasastra (Calcutta 1964), pp. 33, 152-53.
37a T. Shamasastry (trans), op. cit., p. 84; Annapurna Chattopadhyaya, The People and Culture of Bengal: A Study in Origins (Kolkata, 2000), pp. 103-113.
38 Sukumar Sen, Vanga Bhumika (in Bengali, Calcutta 1974), p. 9.
38a Wilfred, H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1912), p. 47; R.C. Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India (Calcutta, 1960), p. 308; Annapurna Chattopadhyaya, (Indian History Congress, Golden Jubilee Year Volume II (ed) B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Essays in Ancient Indian Economic History, Delhi,1987), Annapurna Chattopadhyaya (Some Crafts of Ancient Bengal), pp. 130-137.
38b K.M. Srimali, History of Panchala, Vol. 1. (Delhi 1982), p. 184.
39 Mukundarama’s Chandimangalakavya (ed. Calcutta University), p. 655; D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India,p. 135.
39a D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, op. cit., p. 228ff.
40 D.C. Sircar, ibid., pp. 220-221.
40a D.C. Sircar, The Sakta Pithas (Delhi, 1973), pp. 18, 77.
41 Sukumar Sen, Vanga Bhumika, p. 16.
42 Gilber Slater, Dravidian Elements in Indian Culture (New Delhi, 1987), pp. 83-96; Nihar Ranjan Ray, Vangalir Itihas (reprint, Calcutta, 1980), Vol. 1, p. 78.

No comments: