Showing posts with label Medical Anthropology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Medical Anthropology. Show all posts

NEW DISCOVERIES IN PALEOANTHROPOLOGY: WHAT'S NEW, WHAT'S TRUE, AND WHAT'S IMPORTANT?

NEW DISCOVERIES IN PALEOANTHROPOLOGY: WHAT'S NEW, WHAT'S TRUE, AND WHAT'S IMPORTANT?
by Alison S. Brooks and Richard Potts

The headline announces: "New fossil shakes up our family tree."

The evening news features an intense, lean and sun-tanned academic pointing out the features on this new lump of bone that will change everyone's view of human evolution. Thousands of young listeners imagine themselves walking across the desert, stumbling by chance on an important skull.

The last four years have witnessed an avalanche of new discoveries from fieldwork, paralleled by new discoveries in the lab. The new laboratory discoveries stem partly from more careful analytical techniques (e.g. refitting of bones and stones or cut mark analyses) and partly from a technological revolution in human origins studies, including computerized data bases, CT scans, extraction of ancient DNA, studies of modern DNA as a key to the past, studies of sediment chemistry, and new dates and dating techniques. Few realize that most of what's new in human evolution actually comes out of the lab, after months or years of painstaking research.
Are we better off now than four years ago when it comes to answering the big questions of human evolution: What makes us human? What is unique about our species (sapiens) or our genus (Homo)? What is shared with older ancestors or with the African apes? What made us emerge as human? How did humans evolve in time and space? Why did we evolve the way we did? What allowed us to expand out of Africa and colonize so much of the world's surface that we now endanger the world itself? What gave us the edge over the Neanderthals? With the help of the new technologies and an expanding data base, we are now in a better place to begin to answer these questions than ever before, and we are also better able to understand the stories we read in the daily newspapers reporting "the latest finds."

FROM FIELD TO FRONT PAGE
Few fossils come to light intact or even in large pieces, and rarely does an excavation of an archaeological site yield any human fossils at all. Most hominid fossils have been found by chance or by walking over the landscape in large-scale surveys of fossil-bearing sediments determined by scientists to be of an appropriate age for hominids to have lived there. Field workers learn to recognize tiny fragments of skull or long bone as potentially human. They learn to detect the gleam of tooth enamel in the slanting light of the afternoon sun and to follow a trail of fragments uphill until it disappears into the hillside. The fossil on the table probably shattered and was dispersed as it eroded out onto the surface where a paleontologist could spot it.

One bit of human bone may result in a massive earth-moving operation, as the surrounding earth is scraped and sifted to recover every possible piece no matter how small. At the end of a day or after a week sifting, the archaeologist's bone bag bears little resemblance to the reconstructed skull on the newsroom table. Only after months of preparatory work --finding which pieces join together and modeling the missing parts-- does the skull begin to take shape. Only then can it begin to undergo the comparative study that can answer the question: Is this really something new, something that means a new species or a new genus? Or is it the same as an earlier find, only bigger, perhaps a big male? While the palaeontologists piece together the fossil, other laboratory scientists are hard at work figuring out its age, its environment, and its behavior. These studies are based on the bones, stone tools, and associated sediments from which the fossils or tools eroded.

Publication of a new hominid species usually occurs in either the British journal Nature or the American journal Science. The controversy often begins immediately. Is the fossil actually associated with the material used to date it? What are the possible sources of error in the dating method used? Is it really different enough from existing fossils to justify assignment to a new species?

The question about a new species is especially difficult. In living organisms, a species is defined as a group of organisms that can mate and produce fertile offspring. But with fossils, unlike living organisms, there are no 'tests' for determining whether something new is or is not a separate species, and many morphological species indicators like plumage or coat color are missing. Designation of fossils at the genus level is even more controversial, as genus implies both shared morphological pattern, implying a common adaptive strategy and common descent from a distant common ancestor.

This article discusses new finds affecting our family tree, including two new species, one from Europe (Spain) and one from Africa (Ethiopia). A second major section, "News From the Lab," focuses on the re-analysis of research data using new technologies, reflected in news stories about chimpanzee learned behavior, large-scale mammalian extinction, and the relationship between brain size and body mass in understanding our early ancestors. Finally, a new look at Homo habilis, Homo erectus and the Neanderthals emphasizes once again that what we know in science always keeps growing as new information and technologies improve with time.

OUR FAMILY TREE: NEWS FROM THE FIELD
Two new species joined the family tree between 1997 and 1999: Homo antecessor from Spain and Australopithecus garhi from Ethiopia.

Homo antecessor: A New Species From Europe
Homo antecessor is based on fragments from the TD6 level at the Gran Dolina cave, near Atapuerca, Spain. Its approximate date of 800,000 comes from the fact that the fossils lie below a magnetic change point. The sediments above have a magnetism similar to that of today's Earth, but the sediments below have a reversed magnetism, that is the "north" recorded by the sediments is actually "south" today. Evidence of magnetic reversals occurs in sediments all over the world and the most recent shift from "reversed" back to "normal" has been dated by argon laser techniques (see page 3) to 780,000-791,000 years. The fragments include the lower face of a child with several teeth, a fragment of frontal bone (forehead region), a small piece of a jaw and several long bone fragments. At least six individuals are represented, and some of the bones show cut marks made while the bone was fresh, a possible sign of cannibalism.

The discoverers of H. antecessor (Bermudez de Castro et al.) argue that the shape of the nose region is not that of H. erectus but instead resembles some features of H. sapiens and Neanderthals; hence the name "antecessor". They argue that it is the ancestor of both Neanderthals and modern humans before the two lines diverged. Others suggest that it may be the ancestor of a Neanderthal lineage that split off from the modern human lineage before antecessor. Without more pieces from Gran Dolina or other European fossils from the same time period, however, it is difficult to say whether its separate status will continue. It could also prove to be just an early form of a European species known as H. heidelbergensis that lived in Europe from about 500,000 to about 200,000. The dating is also only approximate since we do not know how much time elapsed between the burial of the fossil and the magnetic shift at 780,000.

The interesting question raised by the naming of a new European species at an early date is the antiquity of the separation between a European human lineage leading to Neanderthals and an African human lineage leading to modern humans. Were Neanderthals, who do not appear until around 200,000 years ago, the final branch of a large European tree, all adapted to colder and more seasonal conditions than elsewhere in the Old World? Did the split between the two lineages occur after or before antecessor? In either case, if the split is ancient, how do we explain the later development of behavioral similarities between Neanderthals and their African and Near Eastern cousins? Could this be a case of parallel evolution? Or is this new member of the family tree just a temporary offshoot that died out without descendants?

A Second New Species
In Africa, another much older new species, Australopithecus garhi, was named by Asfaw et al. in 1999. The word garhi means 'surprise' in the local Afar language. A. garhi comes from a region on the west bank of the middle part of the Awash River, in the northern Rift Valley of Ethiopia. The partial cranium and possibly associated jaw and limb bones from a different site are dated to 2.5 million years ago by a highly accurate technique that uses lasers to release and measure tiny amounts of argon gas trapped in small crystals of volcanic sediments.

A. garhi was a surprise because it displayed a combination of features not seen before. Big cheek chewing teeth (molars and premolars) with thick enamel and what may be a sagittal crest recall the robust australopithecines ( Paranthropus) and place the fossil in the genus Australopithecus. The brain case is quite small (ca. 470 cc). However, unlike the robust australopithecines, A. garhi does not have reduced incisors, and the face does not have the bony reinforcements alongside the nose in the cheek that give the australopithecine face a concave or "dished" appearance. Arm and leg bones found 300 meters away from the skull are from a single individual, who may or may not belong to the same species as the skull. But the limbs are unique for the time period --arms as long as Lucy's for climbing, but much longer legs for walking bipedally, suggesting that bipedal walking was well-established before humans gave up the trees altogether. A. garhi possibly could be the ancestor of our own genus, but at least one skeptic has suggested it may be a female robust australopithecine.

Did Bipedalism Develop From Knuckle-Walking?
Recently researchers working in the collections of ape skeletons at the Smithsonian were studying a ridge on the wrist end of a forearm bone (radius) found in knuckle-walking apes. On a whim, they decided to see if this ridge was present in the 'Lucy' skeleton. To their surprise, Lucy and other australopithecine fossils had the ridge, suggesting that we may be descended from a knuckle-walking ancestor. Other scholars, however, argue that the knuckles on Lucy's hand-bones are not broad for weight-bearing like the knuckles of apes, making it unlikely that australopithecines actually used this form of locomotion. This study helps to reconcile evidence from anatomy with the strong DNA evidence that chimpanzees are more closely related to humans than to gorillas. It also raises the question of why upright walking would evolve from an ancestor that was already adapted to life on the ground.

"Always Something New Out of Africa" (Ancient Greek Proverb cited by Pliny the Elder and C. Darwin, 1859) Although 2.5 million years ago (mya) is a critical time in the transition to a human way of life based on meat-eating and stone tool manufacture, it is not a well-documented period in human evolution. Relatively few fossils from this time period have been found in East Africa. A. afarensis, whose skeleton is known to the world as 'Lucy' but to Ethiopians as 'Dinkanesh', had disappeared by about 2.7 mya. Of the existing fossils dating to around 2.5 mya, most belong to a group called "robust australopithecines." These are sometimes grouped in the genus Paranthropus and are distinguished by their massive molars and premolars, used to chew tough vegetable foods. In South Africa, where the first australopithecines were discovered back in the 1920s and 1930s, Australopithecus africanus, the first named species of Australopithecus, is the only known hominid in this time interval. Australopithecus africanus had large chewing teeth relative to Homo, but smaller teeth and a less massive jaw and face than the robust group.

Around 2.3 to 2.1 million years ago, a few fossils with larger brains and/or smaller chewing teeth have been included in our own genus Homo, in part because of the change in tooth and brain proportions, and in part because they were associated with crude stone tools. One of the most recently found and the oldest member of this group is a fossil upper jaw described by Kimbel et al. from the Hadar area of Ethiopia, also in the Awash Valley, associated with early flake tools and dated to 2.3 mya. Unfortunately, scientists have not found any part of the braincase, associated limbs, and other features that would help to determine its lifestyle and evolutionary relationships.

Another new, early African fossil is making headlines while still in the ground. Fossil foot bones from a very old layer --perhaps 2.8-3.1 mya-- at the Sterkfontain cave near Johannesburg, South Africa, were published four years ago. Last year, the rest of the skeleton was discovered beneath where the foot bones were found. It is apparently an entire skeleton of an Australopithecus africanus that fell into the cave and lies crumpled on the floor head down and feet turned up. It will be years before scientists study all the details of this fascinating find, as the bones are encased in solid rock that formed around them and must be carefully picked apart.

Oldest Stone Tools
The oldest known stone tools come from Ethiopia, about 100 km to the north at Gona, near Hadar. Although a firm date of between 2.5-2.6 mya and a brief description were published in 1997, debate on the nature of these tools is suspended until they are published in more complete form by their excavator, S. Semaw. Other stone tools from the Lake Turkana basin in northern Kenya date to 2.3 mya. These tools from the site of Lokalelei were described in 1999 by Roche and coworkers as surprisingly elaborate, involving the removal of as many as 30 flakes from a single core. The record suggests that stone tools appear with and may even precede the appearance of members of our own genus, Homo. Previous work had suggested that the earliest toolmakers were not capable of elaborate toolmaking sequences involving many steps, but this new research suggested that toolmaking abilities were somewhat sophisticated even by 2.3 mya. The analysis of the older tools from Gona will be extremely interesting, particularly as no members of the genus Homo are known from this age.

No stone tools were found in direct association with A. garhi, but there was indirect evidence of their use. In the area that yielded the limb bones, there were a number of bones of extinct horses and antelopes that showed sign of butchery. Deep scratches with the characteristic sharp edges of stone tool cut marks indicate where meat and sinews had been sliced from the bone, and hammerstone impact fractures made while the bones were fresh show how they had been broken open for marrow. If this behavior can be attributed to A. garhi, then this hominid clearly shares behavioral features with later humans, even though its brain was still small and the teeth still large. It may be an early indicator of what we now recognize as a common pattern of Homo, in which new behaviors drive and select for changes in morphology-- tools before brains.

Behavioral innovation in early hominids may not be so surprising. Assembly of a large database of chimpanzee behaviors allowed researchers to demonstrate last year that chimpanzees display a wide range of different behaviors across Africa, all of them learned and transmitted from one generation to the next. Some groups of chimpanzees use sticks to fish for termites; others use rocks and sticks to crack nuts. Some hunt small animals; others rarely do. To a certain extent, then, chimpanzee behavior fits the basic definition of human culture, habits and practices that are particular to each society and are passed on through learning.

OUR FAMILY TREE: NEWS FROM THE LAB
Some of the most important news on the hominid front does not derive from new fieldwork or fossil finds, but from laboratory experiments and from reinterpretations of existing finds using new technologies. These range from CT scans to statistical techniques made possible by huge computerized databases and new sophisticated computer modeling.

In a long-running laboratory experiment at Indiana University, a bonobo or "pygmy chimpanzee" named Kanzi continues to learn stone tool making, although his favorite method is to throw the stone against something hard until it shatters. His abilities and the problem-solving experiments being conducted with orangs at the National Zoo in Washington, D.C. show that we have underestimated the cognitive abilities of our closest relatives. It also demonstrates how sophisticated the oldest tools at Lokalelei were, compared to those made by Kanzi.

A large database of mammalian fossils from the Turkana basin allowed researchers at the Smithsonian to test whether or not a major dry spell 2.5 million years ago caused the extinction of many East African animals and their replacement by savanna-adapted species, including early humans (e.g., A. garhi). The researchers found that the appearance of new species and the disappearance of old ones were spread throughout the 1 million year period between 3 and 2 mya in the Turkana basin, which offers the richest and best dated record of animal evolutionary change in Africa during this critical interval. Thus the hypothesis of a major "turnover pulse" at 2.5 mya was not supported by the data. The researchers found, however, that after a gradual rise in the number of species up to 2 mya, a significant drop in species numbers occurred, especially around 1.8 mya.

Recent research on the larger brain sizes that mark the emergence of Homo also utilizes new statistical databases and techniques for determining body mass from the upper leg bone (femur). When brain size is calibrated by body size, it turns out that brain size increases between 2.5 and 1.8 mya, but then remains relatively constant from 1.8 to 0.6 mya. Brains were not getting bigger through the early Pleistocene, people were! What is surprising, after more than a million years of roughly the same brain size, is the dramatic leap in brain size at around 600,000-700,000 years ago, as new species like H. heidelbergensis take over. What was the reason for this huge increase in relative brain size? New environments colonized? More variable environmental conditions? New social structures and ways of making a living? The data are unclear but new work in the Middle Pleistocene is suggesting an earlier and earlier emergence of complex abilities.

NEWS OF HOMO HABILIS, HOMO ERECTUS, AND THE NEANDERTHALS
Is Homo habilis really Homo?
The earliest members of the genus Homo are Homo habilis, defined on the basis of Olduvai Gorge specimens in 1964, and Homo rudolfensis, defined on the basis of East Lake Turkana specimens in 1986. Since 1985 accumulating evidence has demonstrated that at least one of these species still maintained a number of specializations for life in the trees, like long arms, short legs and curved fingers. In addition, these hominids exhibit very little of the marked reduction in tooth size that characterizes our genus and leads to our smaller faces. Homo was supposedly characterized by large brains, language, tool-dependence, and manual dexterity. New data have shown that the brains of these fossils are not large compared to their body mass, and that we cannot determine whether or not they had language abilities to a greater extent than the apes. Tools now appear before the first fossil attributed to Homo and occur with Australopithecus and Paranthropus as well. New studies of hand function show that either the hand of H. habilis was not as fully modern as we had supposed or that apes possess many of the same manipulative abilities. In a major review of these issues, Wood and Collard suggest that H. habilis and H. rudolfensis do not share the adaptations characteristic of later members of the genus Homo and should be grouped instead with Australopithecus.

Homo Erectus : Fuel for Thought?
If Wood and Collard's proposed reassignment of H. habilis and H. rudolfensis to the Australopithecus genus is widely adopted, the first member of the genus Homo will be the species H. erectus or its African relative H. ergaster. These fossils are best represented by the almost complete skeleton of an adolescent boy from Kenya dated to 1.5 mya. He was tall and larger-brained and had reduced chewing teeth. A controversial recent article cites these features to suggest that cooking was already part of the erectus cultural repertoire and may have been an essential adaptation allowing H. erectus to spread out of Africa. There is no direct archaeological evidence for cooking at early African sites, with the possible exception of some burned bones from South Africa (see AnthroNotes 18(2) Spring 1996.) At Koobi Fora, on the east side of Lake Turkana, other support for early human use of fire comes from burned patches whose magnetic properties studied in the laboratory may indicate the use of fire by humans, since human-tended fires have a higher temperature and longer "burn-time" in a very small area than most bush fires. Natural bush fires, however, cannot be entirely ruled out as causes of either the burned features or the charred bones.

Even thick beds of what appears to be ash may not indicate fire. "Ash" from Zhoukoudian in China, the Homo erectus site listed in most textbooks as the oldest site with controlled fire, may not be the remains of fire after all, although it is only about 500-300,000 years old. The sediment, studied by a new infrared technology, does not have the chemical constituents or characteristics of wood ash. Some of the bones, however, were charred and may have been burned somewhere else and carried or rolled into the area of the cave sampled, indicting that fire was at least in use by this time.

When did H. erectus arrive in Asia? Or was it an earlier species that made the trip? Stone tools reported from the southeast Asian island of Flores in 1998 would seem to suggest that not only was erectus in the region by 1.5 mya, but also came in boats or had the capacity to make them! This is a good example of a story that has not been widely accepted. Are the stone tools really tools? Or just chipped rocks from a stream bed? Is the date a good one? (The next oldest tools in southeast Asia are less than 700,000 years old and may be only 40,000 years old!). There is mounting evidence from both Java and China, however, that hominids were in east and southeast Asia by about 1.5 mya.

Another new Asian find that is challenging current models are the stone tools from the Bose basin, South China. For over a half century, archeologists have thought that large bifacial handaxes characterized the stone technology of Africa and western Asia and Europe for most of the Pleistocene, while simpler stone technology typified East Asia. The boundary between western bifaces and the more casual flake-and-core industries in the east is known as the "Movius line," after the Harvard prehistorian who first described it in the 1940s. The Movius line has been used to suggest that Asian populations of Homo erectus and later hominids did not have the same capabilities as hominids in the west. Excavations by Potts, Huang, and their team from the Smithsonian and the Chinese Academy of Sciences have shown, however, that large bifaces were made in South China around 800,000 years ago. The total collection of stone tools from the Bose basin differs in detail from the Acheulean handaxes collections in the west. But in stone flaking ability and the overall shape and size of the large tools, the Bose tool collection is strikingly similar to stone technologies made at the same time in Africa.

Further damage to the Movius line comes from two sites in northern Japan, Takamori and Kamitakamori, dated to more than 250,000 years ago and possibly more than 500,000 years ago, in an island region of the world once thought to be occupied only towards the end of the Pleistocene. Located in the mountains west of Sendai, the tools include well-made symmetrical axes or adzes, chipped on both sides. This symmetrical and bifacial approach to tool-manufacture is characteristic of the Acheulean industry found from India to England and south to the Cape of Good Hope after 500,000 years ago. Such tools are not found in southeast Asia, at least not until very late in the Pleistocene.

The Japanese tools are not "Acheulean," and do not share the stylistic or functional attributes of "hand-axes," but they do exhibit similar capabilities. In addition, some of the small bifacial tools are grouped in discrete pits and include pieces of several different colorful raw materials. Not only have the raw materials been transported over many kilometers, but the arrangement suggests to the excavators (Kajiwara and others) an early example of symbolic behavior, indeed one of the earliest examples anywhere in the world. Others have questioned the age determination, the stratigraphy, and the association between the dated material and the artifacts, but a recent fact-finding expedition to the sites by an international team could not find any problems with the dating or associations. The combined Japanese and Chinese finds indicate that the Movius line model is flawed, and at the very least we must look for new interpretations of H. erectus behavior in Asia.

Neanderthal News
At the more recent end of the human evolutionary story, the finds are equally dramatic and equally split between new field results and restudy of older materials with new techniques. Views of the Neanderthals themselves have been shaken up by a new fossil child from Portugal. Dated to only ca. 25,000 years ago, long after the Neanderthals are thought to have disappeared from Europe, the fossil child is said to display some Neanderthal features in its skeleton. In a heated exchange in the pages of the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Erik Trinkaus, the senior morphologist in the study, suggested it was an example of hybridization between Neanderthals and modern humans, while Ian Tattersall, another authority on Neanderthals, argued that this is not demonstrated.

The genetics revolution has also had an impact on views of the Neanderthals as well as on other developments in human history. Two recent studies of mitochondrial DNA (passed only through the female line), which was extracted from the original Neanderthal fossil, show that it is very different genetically from ourselves. The differences between us and the Neanderthals are so great that geneticists estimate that our ancestors split off from them at least 600,000 years ago!
More and more Neanderthal sites show evidence of cannibalism --human bones smashed and cut and treated like other faunal remains. This may confirm an analysis of the bone chemistry of Neanderthals published in 1992 that indicates they were almost exclusively carnivorous. The debate over Neanderthal language continues. One study by Kay et al. suggests that the bony canal containing the nerve for the tongue muscle used in speech was as large in Neanderthals as in ourselves and shows that they spent a lot of time in oral communication.

In Africa, the contemporaries of the Neanderthals were early Homo sapiens, with more modern morphology. One aspect of this morphology, perhaps the defining aspect, was the repositioning of the face beneath the braincase instead of out in front, creating a new relationship between the tongue and the back of the throat that facilitated speech. This new relationship as discussed by Lieberman can be most clearly seen in the morphology of the sphenoid, the bone that divides the braincase from the face and cradles the pituitary gland just behind the nose. Since most of this morphology is inside the skull, studying it requires CT scans of the fossils, a new application of this technology. Most hospitals have down times late at night when they are willing to allow use of their machines by paleontologists. The Smithsonian's division of physical anthropology has its own CT scanner. Some CT scans of important fossils are even available on the web [www.anthro.univie.ac.at/ bodo/bodo/html.]

Africans may have looked modern when Neanderthals still occupied Europe, but whether or not their behavior was also modern is a major debate involving Brooks and others. New evidence from South Africa itself suggests that these early members of our species already were catching ocean fish and making bone-tipped spears, much like the inhabitants of several sites excavated by Brooks in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, dating from ca. 80,000. Other early sites of around this age have engraved and notched ostrich eggshells and bones, as well as masses of red ocher. Evidence for other sophisticated and complex behaviors by the African contemporaries of Neanderthals is accumulating rapidly as new regions of Africa are explored.

Journalists know the public is hungry for news about our human origins, and stories of our distant past appear with increasing frequency. The need to educate our students and the general public more broadly about science and anthropology has never been more clear.

FOR FURTHER READING
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Clarke, R.J. 1998. "First Ever Discovery of a Well-preserved Skull and Associated Skeleton of Australopithecus." South African Journal of Science 94: 460-463. (See also story on website, www.discovering archaeology.com.)
Behrensmeyer, A.K., Todd, N.E., Potts, R. and G.E. McBrinn. 1997. "Late Pliocene Faunal Turnover in the Turkana Basin, Kenya and Ethiopia." Science 278: 1589-1594.
Bermudez deCastro, J.M., Arsuaga, J.L., Carbonell, E., Rosas, A., Martinez, I., and M.Mosqueria. 1997. "A Hominid From the Lower Pleistocene of Atapuerca, Spain: Possible Ancestor to Neandertals and Modern Humans." Science. 276: 1392-1395.
Boesch, C, and Tamasello, M. 1998. "Chimpanzee and Human Cultures." Current Anthropology 39: 591-614.
Defleur, A, White., T., Valensi, P., Slimak, L. and Crégut-Bonnoure, E., 1999. "Neanderthal Cannibalism at Moula-Guercy, Ardèche, France." Science 286: 128-131 (Also commentary by E. Culotta, "Neanderthals Were Cannibals, Bones Show" p. 18b-19b.)
De Heinzelin J., Clark, J.D, White, T.D., Hart, W., Renne,P., WoldeGabriel, G., Beyene, Y., and E. Vrba. 1999. "Environment and Behavior of 2.5-million-year-old Bouri Hominids." Science 284: 625-629.
Delson Eric. 2000. "Austraopithecus Garhi." In Encyclopedia of Human Evolution and Prehistory, 2nd Ed., pp 124-125. Edited by E. Delson, I Tattersall, J. van Couvering and A.S. Brooks. Garland Press.
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Lieberman, D.L. 1998. "Sphenoid Shortening and the Evolution of Modern Human Cranial Shape." Nature 393: 158-162. Also Spoor, F., Dean, M.C., O'Higgins, P., and Lieberman, D.E., 1999. "Anterior Sphenoid in Modern Humans." Nature 397: 572.
Morwood, M.J., O'Sullivan, P.B., Aziz, F., and Raza, A. 1998. "Fission-Track Ages of Stone Tools and Fossils in the East Indonesian Island of Flores." Nature 392: 173-176. (Also commentary by A Gibbons 1998. "Ancient Island Tools Suggest Homo Erectus was a Seafarer." Science 279: 1635-1637.)
Richmond, B. G., & Strait, D. S. (2000). "Evidence that Humans Evolved From a Knuckle-Walking Ancestor." Nature 404, 382-385. And "News and Views" comment by Collard, M., & Aiello, L. C. (2000). "From Forelimbs to Two Legs." Nature 404, 339-340.
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Tattersall, Ian. 2000. "Paleoanthropology: the Last Half-Century." Evolutionary Anthropology 9(1): 2-16.
Tattersall, I. and Schwartz, J.H. 1999. "Hominids and Hybrids: The Place of Neanderthals in Human Evolution." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 96: 7117-7119.
Weiner, S., Xu, Q., Liu, J., Goldnerg, P., and O. Bar-Yosef. 1998. "Evidence for the Use of Fire at Zhoukoudian, China." Science 281: 251-253.
Wong, Katy 2000. "Who Were the Neanderthals?," with contributions by Erik Trikaus, Cidalia Duarte, Joao Zilhao, Franceson d'Errico, and Fred H. Smith. Scientific American 282(4): 98-107.
Wu, X. 1999. Letter to Science and reply by Weiner et al. Science 283: 299.
Whiten, A., Goodall, J., McGrew, W.C., Nishida, T., Reynolds, V. Sugiyama, Y., Tutin, C.E.G., Wrangham, R.W. and Boesch, C. 1999. "Cultures in Chimpanzees." Nature 399: 682-685.
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Wrangham, R.W., Jones, J.H., Laden, G., Pilbeam, D., and B. Conklin-Brittain. 1999. "The Raw and the Stolen: Cooking and the Ecology of Human Origins." Current Anthropology 40(5):567-594.
www.tfu.ac.jp/kenkyushitsu/kajiwara (on Takamori tools). See also stories in www.discovering archaeology.com (on recent Japanese finds of postholes).
www.nationalgeographic.com (on footprints at Langebaan, and other stories).
www.paleoanthro.org (abstracts of papers for paleoanthropology meeting in Philadelphia April 4-5, 2000 and "Palaeoanthropology in the News" featuring current and recent newspaper stories.)

Alison Brooks is professor of anthropology at George Washington University and editor of AnthroNotes. Rick Potts is director of the Smithsonian's Human Origins Program.

Medical Anthropology

Medical Anthropology
A. McElroy
Aus: D.Levinson, M. Ember (Hrsg.) Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. Henry Holt, New York 1996; (Permission given by Prof. McElroy Jan. 21th 2002) Medical anthropology is the study of human health and disease, health care systems, and biocultural adaptation. The discipline draws upon the four fields of anthropology to analyse and compare the health of regional populations and of ethnic and cultural enclaves, both prehistoric and contemporary. Collaboration among paleopathologists, human biologists, ethnologists, and linguists has created a field that is autonomous from any single subdiscipline, with strong potential for integration of physical and Cultural anthropology. The field is also highly interdisciplinary, linking anthropology to sociology, economics, and geography, as well as to medicine, nursing, public health, and other health professions.
Since the mid-1960s, medical anthropology has developed three major orientations. Medical ecology views populations as biological as well as cultural units and studies interactions among ecological systems, health, and human evolution. Ethnomedical analysis focuses on cultural systems of healing and the cognitive parameters of illness. Applied medical anthropology deals with intervention, prevention, and policy issues and analyses the socioeconomic forces and power differentials that influence access to care. In this triad, cultural anthropology is most closely allied with ethnomedicine. In the formative years, some anthropologists favoured identifying the field as “ethnomedicine,” while others preferred “anthropology of health.” The term “medical anthropology prevalled, however, coming to represent a diversified range of orientations.
History
George M. Foster and Barbara Gallatin Anderson (1978) trace the development of medical anthropology to four distinct sources: the interest of early physlcal 2 anthropologists in human evolution and adaptation, ethnographic interest in primitive medicine, studies of psychiatric phenomena in the culture and personality school, and anthropological work in international health. William H. R. Rivers (1924), a physician, is considered the first ethnologist of non-Western medical practices. Early theoretical work by Forrest E. Clements (1932) and Erwin H. Ackerknecht (1942, 1946) also attempted to systematize primitive medical beliefs and practices. Paralleling theory development were early applications of anthropological principles to health problems. Since the 1940s anthropologists have helped health care providers understand cultural differences in health behaviours, as shown in Benjamin D. Paufs edited volume Health, Culture and Community: Case Studies of Public Reactions to Health Programs (1955), one of the first medical anthropology texts.
William Caudill (1953) was the first to identify the field, followed by review articles by Steven Polgar (1962) and by Norman Scotch (1963). Academics, applied scientists, and clinicians enthusiastically worked in the 1960s to organize the emerging social science in medicine movement at national meetings of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) and the Society for Applied Anthropology (SfAA). Caudill, Polgar, and Scotch were among the most active, as were Hazel Weidman, Arthur Rubel, Dorothea Leighton, Clifford Barnett, Marvin Opler, Marion Pearsall, Donald Kennedy, Benjamin Paul, and Charles Leslie.
The Group for Medical Anthropology (GMA), established in 1967 with Weidman as chair, affiliated with the SFAA in 1969. As the Society for Medical Anthropology (SMA), the organization became a formal section of the AAA in 1972, with Dorothea Leighton, a psychiatrist-anthropologist, serving as its first president. Membership grew from 657 in 1972 to 1,523 in 1993, including a few hundred Canadian and other international members, primarily Europeans. Next to North America, Great Britain has the largest number of medical anthropologists. Most of them are concerned more with political economy and clinical issues than with biocultural perspectives. Increasing numbers of medical anthropologists work in Australia, Latin America, the Philippines, and India.

Theoretical orientation I: Medical Ecology
Anthropologists using an ecological perspective to understand disease patterns view human populations as biological as well as cultural entities. Taking a systems approach in research, culture is seen as one resource for responding to environmental problems, but genetic and physiological processes carry equal weight. The evolution, demography, and epidemlology of humans are subject to ecological forces, as are other species.
A key concept in medical ecology is “adaptation,” the changes, modifications, and variations that increase the chances of survival, reproductive success, and general wellbeing in an environment. Alexander Alland, Jr. (1970), was one of the first to apply the concept of adaptation to medical anthropology. Humans adapt through genetic change, physiological responses (short-term or developmental), cultural knowledge and practices, and individual coping mechanisms. A basic premise is that health is a ineasure of environmental adaptation, and disease indicates disequilibrium. A second premise is that the evolution of disease parallels human biological and cultural evolution. The risks faced by foraging peoples differ from those of agricultural groups and industrial societies, and the epidemiological profile of each subsistence type is a function of human relations with the environment and with other species in the ecosystem, especially food sources, domesticated animals, and pathogens.
Medical ecology, unlike other orientations, assumes that biomedical disease categories are universal. Disease rates can be measured, compared through time and across geographic space, and correlated with changes in settlement patterns and subsistence. The frequencies of hemoglobin types can be measured and mapped geographically in relation to the incidence of infectious diseases such as malaria. The impact of diseases of contact, such as malaria, smallpox, and tuberculosis, on the native populations of the New World can be studied historically.

In the field, medical ecologists study subsistence patterns and nutrition; children’s growth and development; pregnancy and birth rates; population size, density, and mobility; chronic and infectious disease; hazards and injury patterns; and demographic change over time. Research on prehistoric populations analyses skeletal remains, house sites, settlement patterns, and ecology. Medical ecology has usually studied isolated populations living in rigorous environments, such as high-altitude regions, the arctic, and tropical forests, such as the classic work of Napoleon A. Chagnon (1992) and James V. Neel (1977) on the Yanomamo, the work of A. T. Steegmann, Jr. (1983), on cold adaptation, and the long-term research in high-altitude regions of South America by Paul T. Baker and Michael A. Little (1976) and by R. Brooke Thomas (1973) and their respective colleagues and students.
Increased attention has been given since the 1980s by human biologists and medical ecologists to seasonality and health in agricultural populations, environmental and cultural regulation of fertility, migration and change in health status, and to work productivity in chronically undernourished and infected populations. The urban ecology of health is a new focus as well, and there is increasing dialogue with political economy theorists with respect to developing a “political ecology of health.”

Theoretical orientation II: Ethnomedicine
The ethnomedical perspective focuses on health beliefs and practices, cultural values, and social roles. Originally limited to study of primitive or folk medicine, ethnomedicine has come to mean the health maintenance system of any society. Health ethnographies encompass beliefs, knowledge, and values of specialists and lay people; the roles of healers, patients or clients, and family members; the implements, techniques, and pharmacopoeias of specialists; legal and economic aspects of health practices; and symbolic and interpersonal components of the experience of illness. Pluralistic societies often encompass several ethnomedical systems. Among these are cosmopolitan medicine, a dominant system in North America and in urban centers 5 elsewhere, which emphasizes empirical research, naturalistic explanations, technology and surgery, use of extraordinary intervention to preserve life, and hierarchical roles. Humoral medicine, derived from ancient Greek medicine, emphasizes that health reflects balance among bodily humors and their intrinsic qualities. Disequilibrium derives from ingestion of inappropriate food and other substances, from change of climate, and from exposure to natural elements like air and water. Therapy involves restoring equilibrium through applying or ingesting remedies opposite to the state of the body. Humoral medicine coexists with other systems in Latin America, the Middle East, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Ayurvedic medicine in India and Chinese traditional medicine meld humoral elements with elements of other systems. A key concept in ethnomedicine is “explanatory model,” introduced by Arthur Kleinman (1980). Explanatory models (EMs) are notions about the causes of illness, diagnostic criteria, and treatment options. In a clinical encounter, the EMs held by practitioners, patients, and family often differ. The ensuing communication and negotiation of decisions for managing illness lead to the cultural “construction’ of illness. To the extent that disparity among EMs continues because of cultural, ethnic, or class differences, communication remains problematic.

The disease-illness distinction is important conceptually in the study of ethnomedicine. Disease, defined clinically as deviation from medical norms, is considered to be a Western biomedical category and not universal. Biomedical terms such as “hypertension’ or “diabetes” may not correspond to diagnostic categories of a given ethnomedical system. Illness, in contrast, is the experience of impairment or distress, as culturally defined and constructed. Cause of the illness may also be located in social and spiritual realms, so that ethnomedical aetiology may include sorcery, soul loss, and spirit intrusion.

In addition to negotiation of the meaning of illness, management of illness and disability also occur in a social and cognitive matrix. Healing is often mediated by symbols and practices that induce conditioned neurophysiological and immune system responses. The 6 placebo effect of the healer’s behaviour and symbols to induce healing or to reduce stress is of central interest in ethnomedical studies.
Cultural psychiatry is closely allied with ethnomedicine. Many folk illnesses or “culture bound syndromes” (such as susto, arctic hysteria, or amok) appear to be psychogenic, although environmental stressors play a role in their onset. These folk illnesses do not fit easily into Western diagnostic categories.
Ethnographic methods are primary in this orientation, and researchers usually do participant-observation, sometimes becoming apprentices of healers and midwives. Some elicit ethnosemantic data on disease categories, causes, and decision models in order to study underlying cognition. Interviews and life histories allow in-depth analysis of the lives of healers and patients, and medical discourse analysis is a specialized linguistic technique that studies the negotiation of meaning and power. Some specialists collect and analyze pharmacologic items; others study the history of medical practices. Although traditionally researchers have worked in folk societies, increasing numbers are studying pluralistic societies, such as Margaret Lock (1980). Attention has been given since the mid-1980s to integrating ethnomedicine and ethnoecology, as in studies of indigenous people’s knowledge of medicinal plants. There is also strong interest in clinical applications of ethnomedical treatments

Theoretical orientation III: Applied Medical Anthropology
Theories of the cultural patterning of health behaviour can be applied in any arena. Following the pioneering examples set by Margaret Clark, George Foster, and Perttl Pelto, anthropologists work, for example, in clinics serving multicultural populations, in maternal and child health programs, on surveys of community responses to environmental hazards, on program planning and evaluation in psychiatric hospitals, on AIDS prevention projects, and on the reintegration of people with traumatic brain injury to community life. The populations served are often people on the margins of mainstream soclety-refugees, native peoples, rural elderly, drug addicts, people with disabilities, 7 ethnic minorities. The difference between basic and applied research is that applied medical anthropologists deliberately become advocates for the community and attempt to do research that is useful and ethical.
While some applied research is a theoretical, others employ explicit theoretical frameworks. One notable framework is the political economy of health, also called critical medical anthropology. Influenced by Marxist theory and dependency theory, this approach analyses the impact of global economic systems, particularly capitalism, on local and national health. Political economists such as Soheir Morsy, Hans Baer, Lynn Morgan, and Merrill Singer argue that change programs should not be attempted unless one also studies the social production of illness and poverty within the larger dynamics of class interactions, colonialism, or world economic systems. Critical chnical medical anthropology is an adjunct of political economy. This approach analyses biomedical practice and the differentials in power and authoritative knowledge of practitioner and patient. Clinical anthropology has been influenced by Michel Foucault’s writings on the historical production of medical knowledge and the notion that the body can become an arena in which social control issues are played out. Usually focused on medical communication, the approach has been used particularly in relation to women’s reproductive health and has developed a controversial literature on the lexicalisation of women’s bodies through the work of Brigitte Jordan, Emily Martin, Rayna Rapp, and others.
Applied anthropology methods are eclectic, ranging from qualitative to highly quantitative. Ethnographers have developed rapid assessment techniques to document community health needs during brief field trips. Others trained in public health, epidemiology, nursing, or medicine may do clinical or laboratory procedures or work with vital statistics. In quantitative approaches, rigorous attention is paid to sampling issues and sophisticated statistical analysis, and informed consent procedures are followed. As Carole E. Hill (1991) points out, many medical anthropologists are now 8 working outside academia and combining standard anthropological skills with technical planning and evaluation skills.

Publications
Social Science and Medicine, established in 1966, was the original outlet for medical anthropology in Great Britain and Europe as well as in North America and continues as one of four major periodicals in the field. In 1968 the Medical Anthropology Newsletter was established with Weidman as the first editor. The newsletter played a central role in communication , featuring employment and training announcements, book reviews, sample course syllabi and bibliographies, and later original articles. From 1982 to 1986 Medical Anthropology Quarterly (MAQ continued as the SMA newsletter and in 1987 was transformed into a scholarly journal, with Alan Harwood of the United States as the first editor and Ronald Frankenberg of Great Britain as the first international editor. The other primary journals are Medical Anthropology and Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, both established in 1976.

Relatively few texts and readers in medical anthropology have been published. Landys collection (1977), although out of print, is considered by many to be the most authoritative source. Other notable readers include Logan and Hunt (1978), Romanucci-Ross et al.(1983), and Johnson and Sargent (1990). Foster and Anderson’s text (1978) emphasizes applied medical anthropology, while texts by McElroy and Townsend (1989) and by Moore et al. (1980) use ecological and biocultural approaches. ACKERKNECHT, ERWIN H. “Primitive Medicine and Culture Pattern,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 12 (1942):545-574.
• “Natural Diseases and Rational Treatment in Primitive Medicine.” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 19 (1946):467-497.
ALLAND, ALEXANDER, JR. Adaptation in Cultural Evolution: An Approach to Medical Anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970. BAKER, PAUL T., and MICHAEL A. LITTLE, Eds. Man in the Andes: A Multidisciplinary Study of High Altitude Quechua. Stroudsburg, PA: Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross, 1976.
CAUDILL, WILLIAM. “Applied Anthropology in Medicine.” Anthropology Today: An Encyclopedic Inventor , edited by A. L. Kroeber. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953.
CHAGNON, NAPOLEON A. Yanomamo: the Fierce People. 4th College Ed. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College of Disease. University of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology 32(2) (1992): 185-252.
CLEMENTS, FOREST E. “Primitive Concepts of Disease.” University of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology 32(2): 185-252, 1932. FOSTER, GEORGE M., and BARBARA GALLATIN ANDERSON. Medical Anthropology. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1978. HILL, CAROLE E., ed. Training Manual in Applied Medical Anthropology.
Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association, 1991.
JOHNSON, THOMAS M., and CAROLYN F. SARGENT, eds. Medical Anthropology:
Contemporary Theory and Method. New York: Praeger, 1990.
KLEINMAN, ARTHUR. Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1980.
10
LANDY, DAVID, ed. Culture, Disease, and Healing: Studies in Medical Anthropology.
N.Y.: Macmillan, 1977.
LOCK, MARGARET. East Asian Medicine in Urban Japan. Berkeley: University o California Press, 1980.
LOGAN, MICHAEL H., and EDWARD E. HUNT, JR., eds. Health and the Human Condition: Perspectives on Medical Anthropology. North Scituate, Mass.: Duxbury Press, 1978.
McELROY, ANN, and PATRICIA K. TOWNSEND. Medical Antbropology in Ecological Perspective, 2nd ed. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1989. MOORE, LORNA G., et al., The Blocultural Basis of Health: Expanding Views of Medical Anthropology. St. Louis- Mosby, 1980.
NEEL, JAMES V. “Health and Disease in Unacculturated Amerindian Populations. In Health and Disease in Tribal Societzes. Ciba Foundation Symposium 49 (New Series). pp. 155-178. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1977.
PAUL, BENJAMIN D., ed. Health, Culture and Community: Case Studies of Public Reactions to Health Programs. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1955. POLGAR, STEVEN. “Health and Human Behavior: Areas of Interest Common to the Social and Medical Sciences.” Current Anthropology 3 (1962): 159-205. RIVERS, WILLIAM H. R. Medicine, Magic, and Religion. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1924.
ROMANUCCI-ROSS, LOLA, DANIEL E. MOERMAN, and LAWRENCE R. TANCREDI, eds. The Anthropology of Medicine. S. Hadley: MA: Berginand Garvey, 1983.
SCOTCH, NORMAN. “Medical Anthropology.” In: Biennial Review of Anthropology.
B.J.. Siegel, ed. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1963.
STEEGMANN, A.T., JR., ed. Boreal Forest Adaptations: The Northern Algonkians.
N.Y.: Plenum Press, 1983.
THOMAS, R. BROOKE. “Human Adaptation to a High Andean Energy Flow System.” Occasional Papers in Antbropology 7. University Park, Pennsylvania State University, 1973.

MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPIRIT POSSESSION

MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPIRIT POSSESSION
Peter J. Claus (California State University East Bay, Hayward, CA., U.S.A.)
On Defining Problems
Ethnographic research over the past several decades has become increasingly problem oriented. There is a tendency in this sort of research to formulate models of a cultural phenomenon before the phenomenon is investigated. Indeed, the very problem is identified before the research is carried out. Research and description consist more or less of identifying features of the phenomenon with features of the proposed model. Verbal terms and behaviors are selectively chosen out of a large universe of similar forms, and are then translated in terms of the model. Causal relationships postulated in the model are used to explain terms and interaction in the phenomenon. Ability to do this not only demonstrates the efficacy of the model, but provides a scientific explanation of the phenomenon in that it appears to reduce a welter of particular facts from a large number of cultures to a smaller number of variables, usually having a more objective, naturalistic base. In this process of translating a particular phenomenon to a more generalized model, problem oriented research often finds it unnecessary to investigate the broad cultural context of the phenomenon in question. Problem oriented research is generally highly focused. Moreover, the focus is preset to take in pragmatic features: problem oriented research is closely allied with applied anthropology. There has been a wide-spread neglect of ethnography as an exploratory science, capable of discovering new perspectives with which to understand the human condition.



When the phenomenon of spirit possession is encountered in India it is usually regarded in the broad spectrum of medical problems. (1) It hardly seems to matter whether or not it is so defined in Indian systems of thought. In this regard, it might not be a bad idea to remind ourselves that Westerners have not always looked at possession that way. When early missionaries encountered possession cults in southern India they described this as a religious problem. Early accounts translated the various terms for the spirits in question as devils and demons. (2) The villagers were given to "devil worship" and "devil dancing." They were possessed by the Devil. We needn't labor over the gross inaccuracy of this translation of the phenomenon other than to note that the missionaries did give credence to the native belief in possession by a spirit agent. Where they differed with the natives was in the nature of the spirit involved.



I doubt that any serious anthropological study gives credence to the native claim that they are possessed by spirits, although we do sometimes acknowledge that we can proceed with the study "as if there were spirits." On the other hand, we still feel strongly obligated to recognize that some "real" experience is represented in their belief and behavior. We make a stab at apprehending that experience on the basis of our own understanding of similar behavior and beliefs in the West. Hence, our interpretation of the phenomenon as a medical problem or, more neutrally, as an altered state of consciousness. Perhaps we do not see it in terms of religious behavior because rational Christianity in the West today is more concerned with sin and ethical behavior in the world, and not with ecstatic religious experience. But, more likely, as scientists, it is our usual approach to abnormal behavior to explain it in terms of biological foundations. Placing spirit possession in the conceptual area of medical problems leads us in that direction from the very outset. This approach is supported by reference to certain selected instances of possession. These are primarily cases that possession often starts with expressions of anguish and ends with a "cure". That seems a lot like the hoped for progression of Western psychotherapy. (3) Furthermore, in some instances, native terminology and classification of spirits identify them with abnormal health conditions; specific diseases, madness, epidemics and the like. Some aspects of many diseases, to put it slightly differently, are associated with the influence or intrusion of a spirit. But these instances are hardly sufficient to regard all instances of spirit possession as native medical practices and transfer the phenomenon to a medical paradigm. What is worse, to do so merely leads us away from what is ethnographically relevant, which is, the documentation of the process by which individual experience comes to be interpreted through a system of collective symbols.



The Ideology of Tulu Spirit Possession
There are dozens of words in Tulu which are used in the context of what I have been calling spirit possession. (4) The most usual are bhuta pattundu ("the spirit caught...") and maytu battundu ("...came into the body"). Both verbs (pattunu and barpunu) have a large range of uses, entailed subtle contextual nuances and making them difficult to translate with regard to a specific experience. The verb barpunu ("to come"), for example, may be used to say "I will come to your house," "Good will come from that," "I will get angry (anger comes to me)," "I understand Tulu (Tulu comes to me)," and so on. Several verbs describe the physical appearance of the possessed (e.g. kumbarunu, "shaking") and the internal experience (e.g. ersuntu, "rising"; also barpanu, here, I believe, with the meaning "arising" or "becoming").

In a cermonial context possession is more usually referred to as darsana, "appearance, revelation." The English phrase used by my informants was "so and so had a darsana," although a moreliteral translation would have been the more ambiguous "darsana happened to so and so" (arugu darsana atundu). The intensity of teh possession--which is, incidentally, a frequently discussed matter, while whether a medium is "really" possessed, or not, is rarely questioned--is expressed in terms of edde battundu or edde pattundu) "it came (or caught) well."

The spirit in question may be one of a number of different categories: bhuta, daiva, kule, preta, sirikulu, cikku, and others. They include spirits of cultural heroes, animal spirits, ghosts, and anthropomorphic divinities of various sorts. Several publications are available which list over 300 or so spirits. (5) Many spirits and categories of spirits have only vague identities, but the character of some is elaborately described in long oral narratives (paddana) which describe their birth, "adventures", and death. These are spirits which tend to have a large cult following. Many other spirits are incorporated into these cults under specific conditions. The cults spirits are said to be able to control other spirits and command them to leave the body of a possessed person. The ritual relationships amongst these spirits constitute a vast subject, much too complex to pursue in this paper. However, it should be noted that a great deal of discussion revolving around an unexpected possession concerns the identification of the spirit and which of the cult spirits has the authority to command it to stop bothering the possessed.

The affliction caused by a spirit is usually described as upadra, "trouble." This term may be applied to certain cases of unwarranted possession, but ore frequently it is used to label violent diseases brought about by spiritual attack on humans, animals or crops. It is also used to describe unusual and annoying events, such as mushrooms growing inside a house, as well as slow, persistent wasting diseases. In many of these circumstances there is considerable ambiguity as to whether the spirit is an external agent of affliction or whether his internal presence is the cause of the trouble. Some afflictions are said to be caused by the spirit's "touch" or "scratch".



It remains to be said that by no means are all instances of spirit possession regarded negatively. In cult ceremonies possession by the appropriate spirit is regarded as normal, legitimate and desirable. In other circumstances it is often precisely because the spirit cannot easily possess a person that the person suffers discomfort. Resistence on the part of the person or members of his/her family, uncleanliness (ritual pollution) of the body, existence of the influence of another spirit or a curse are the primary reasons why a spirit might have difficulty possessing its human vehicle. Possession is regarded as a normal means for a being of the realm of maya to make its presence or, more specifically, its need, known in the world of joga (living humans). What causes problems is generally human interference in these matters. 


In Search of a Framework
In the past we have focused our attention on the emotional experience of possession. We have identified the phenomenon as a medical problem and have narrowly researched it in terms of a cause-and-effect paradigm which presumes that it has some sort of somatic starting point. There is little in terms or concepts used by the people to suggest this to be the case. For them it is a very religious phenomenon; it has a spiritual origin. We look at the act as a medical problem because we take biological features to be more basic than cultural or ideological ones.


Attention to the terms people use to describe unusual experiences leads us in a direction to view it as they do. For the ethnographer this is a worthy goal. But reference to terminology of this sort is not the end of the line. It is only the beginning. The terms themselves--to come, to seize, to occur, appearance, spirit, trouble--are vague and metaphorical. (6) The verbs involved are all-purpose words, used in numerous contexts in general conversation. At best, here, they indicated that the transformation of character which the person undergoes is the result of the action of an external agent. (7) While that is an important part of the whole notion, it does not tell us specifically who the agent is, why it happens, why this person, why at this time, how, and so on. All of these questions are important to those people around the possessed person. Some of the answers are revealed after lengthy discussion and ritual action. The answers to some of the questions, however, are so deeply embedded in the structure of the Tuluva ideology that they are hardly ever raised. Many of the answers are to be sought in social contexts and social processes. Others are to be discovered in the character of the spirit and even by asking the spirit itself. And still others are to be deciphered from ritual action and symbolic expression. Terminology is but a small, albeit initially important, part of a very large inquiry. 



My own research has led me to the investigation of the way possession conjoins the individual (sometimes representative of a larger group or category of which he is a part) with his/her society's moral order. The sentiments from which possession springs (along this line of thinking) are no doubt common to all societies and are handled in many societies in different ways. (8) They arise under a number of situations, largely culturally conditioned, in which the individual feels himself outside of the order of moral expectations in which he has been conditioned to see himself. The specific Tulu expression of this crisis is in terms of the encroachment of beings from the domain of maya (the strange, mysterious, supernatural) on the domain of joga (the ordinary manifest and ordered world humans live in). Social groups larger than the individual too, in times of crisis, question, or even as a course of periodic routine, reassert the primacy of an ideal order over the exigencies (however they may arise) of individual and daily life. The phenomenon of spirit possession---or rather a tradition of spirit possession--can provide a symbolic medium through which the individual (or group) re-adjusts himself to an appropriate order.



There are certain instances in which "non-professional" possession is regular and elaborate in its expression. The several with which I am most familiar are found in Tulunad. In an earlier paper (l973), I described a case of possession among the audience attending an annual village bhuta ceremony. As is often the case during such ceremonies, village legal matters were discussed in the presence of the village spirits during the stage when the spirit possesses the body of the cult priest (pujari). In the course of the proceedings a woman from one of the litigant's family was possessed by a household spirit, and this spirit then proceeded to argue the household's case. The woman began her possession with a frenzied trance, but was soon encouraged to come into more focused possession by the possessed priest. Possession brought the legal matter to the level of the spiritual realm and conjoined not only the village, but also the household, each through their possessed representative, to a moral order above the level of day-to-day interests.


Another example may be cited from the northern part of Tulunad in which a large proportion of the village "audience" routinely partakes in a variety of possession and trance forms at the annual village rituals. The ritual ca be regarded as a sort of renewal rite in which members of the village individually and as representatives of groups express through possession states their relationship to the spiritual order which ideally governs the village:


The village headman (he is still referred to by a royal title in the context of the ritual) is seated in front of the village along with the deity, who takes form in the body of a priest-medium. Women from each of the village households surround the pair and the women themselves become possessed by their household ancestors and spirits, who are considered to be in the village deity's retinue in the co-existent realm of maya, and who desire to be present at their lord's appearance during his"visit" to the realm of the living. After the headman pays his tribute to the deity, the men of the village file past the lords of the two realms, offering their loyalty and a small symbolic tribute. They receive in return the blessings of the royal pair and the promise of continued prosperity and protection. Women then walk barefoot through a pit of burning coals which has been constructed in front of the temple. In past times, it is said, the men performed acts of self-immolation to demonstrate their loyalty to the king and his deity. This act, on one hand, symbolizes the extremities to which the men would go in the service of their lords, and on the other hand, the mystical protection from pain and injury the king and his deity could extend to those who serve them (Claus l978:31)


The Siri cult ceremonies provide an instance in which non-professionals are drawn into possession rituals in large numbers. Most participants have little contact with one another in their ordinary lives. Most participants have little contact with one another in their ordinary lives and many participants each year are newcomers. All have a history of troublesome individual possession previous to their participation in the cult, a condition which was resolved by their promise to serve (seve) the Siri spirits as possession vehicles in subsequent years. At the annual Siri cult ceremonies the participants, mostly women, gather in small groups (some of them meet occasionally at a village shrine under the leadership of a male priest at other times in the year) and recite a ritual version of the legend of Siri. Soon all are possessed in one form or another. The attention of the adepts is given to helping novices to more easily and fully express the character of their possessing spirit. The violent, troublesome nature of the novice's possession is felt to be due to her inability to allow the spirit to fully possess her, and this is in turn due to either ineptitude on her part, or malicious resistence, often using mystical means, on the part of her relatives. A variety of means are used to facilitate her full possession. The ritual location, chanting the Siri legend, possession enactment of key episodes of the legend, the presence of possessed adepts and their use of kinship idiom to invite the novice into a spirit group, the power of the male priest to remove mystical obstructions, and so forth, all serve powerfully to encourage the novice to express her possession more articulately and elaborately in a accepted character. In short, recitation of myth and ritual action are brought together in a dramatic model through which the individual is reintegrated into a moral order.


We have seen then how ritual encourages and shapes the possession experience. In standard, periodic cult ceremonies the structure of the ritual performance and the formal recitation of myth easily transform the specialist into a spirit and the ceremony into an enactment of the exploits of a culture hero. Others may be drawn into performance as well, and in certain instances may be regularly encourages to fully express their possession by means of a variety of ritual aids.


What it is that they are drawn into is often most clearly seen in myth. This is especially true in cases where the possessed embodies one of the many "historic" culture heroes. This sort of possession tends to be both more elaborate and more intense. The imagination of the South Indian villager finds its most elaborate and creative expression in the lives of the one-living heroes. Often these are based on real historic personages. However, there can be little question that the bulk of legends and epics consists of stylized elaboration of imagery already a part of oral tradition and everyday speech. The number of imagery already a part of oral tradition and everyday speech. The number of epics and legends of this sort in the different regional cultures of southern India is vast and many of the individual pieces are enormous in length. Collection and assessment of this body of literature has barely begun.


Scholars from different disciplines have viewed these works of oral tradition from a number of different perspectives. However, most pertinent for the study of the relationship between these heroic epics and legends and their enactment in the form of possession is the 'moral imagination' these works exhibit. In this it is not unlike the oral tradition of many cultures. Beidelman, for example, writes of the Kaguru (an East African culture):


"Instead of considering situations and persons inextricably linked to a totality of phenomena over a long, even enduring, period of time, as in real life, the Kaguru story teller presents an extreme and limited case...While stories avoid the complexities of possibilities in these daily problems, they do point out implications and difficulties posed as one tries to succeed where conflicting and competing loyalties perplex people, and where yesterday's enemies may be tomorrow's friends. Their very simplicity gives stories their attraction, just as the simplicity of sociological models both reduces yet helps explain s social reality...These stories are odd, not in the sense that they do not represent recognized characteristics, feelings, motives and roles, but in the sense that, whereas in real life these cannot all be properly judged and met by the same person or in one situation, here they are clearly defined and resolved." (Beidelman l980:33)


Like Kaguru tales, the morality of South Indian oral traditions is not easy to discern, because the rightness or wrongness of the heroes' actions is conditioned by the circumstances. The Tulu legends, for example, relate the heroes' actions in desperate situations and what in the legends are regarded as courageous acts are often actions which would be at odds with the expectations of everyday life. Nor is the moral order abstractly, or directly, described. Instead it forms a set of assumptions, a backdrop against which the actions of the hero are tried in a series of dialectic relationships, and through which he emerges a hero.
There is a lot in common between the legends and the immediate lives of the possessed. Specific similarities can be found at all levels; structure, theme, mood, character, setting, action, etc. The legendary heroes provide a model for the possessed. Through the lives of heroes, in the limited and extreme contexts of their legends, people can find possible definitions and resolution of their own circumstances. The fact that the heroes are medial beings----apotheosized humans--who define their heroism in desperate situations homologous to the situations living people are apt to be disturbed by, facilitates identification and transposition of their character. This is so not only in regular cult ceremonies, but also for those who experience desperate situations in their daily lives. Material I collected on reasons why many Tulu women are attracted to the Siri cult, where their initially vague, disturbing possession is brought toward resolution, suggested the following observations:


The individual struggles to live with a condition which is threatening to her propitious conduct, upon which, in turn, the prosperity and reputation of those around her depend. The threat is almost invariably brought about by the lack of male protection which the cultural ideology required n order that women may be secure against the ravaging intrusion of supernatural and human enemies...Under such precarious conditions a woman is vulnerable not only in the material world in which she must have sustenance, but also in the supernatural realm in which she is defenseless. By giving herself as a vehicle for one who might be her savior, a spirit of one who had preserved the concept of feminine virtue in her own lifetime, a woman choose the lesser of two dangers. By becoming the vehicle of her spiritual protectress, she brings resolution to vague fears and apprehensions. The more clearly her tutelary spirit can be defined as virtuous, the more secure and powerful can be the woman's defense against those who seek to destroy her (Claus l979:49).





Conclusion
My argument in this paper is that the incidence of spirit possession is a complex ethnographic phenomena. To interpret it with a simplistic Western medical paradigm is insufficient. There is no doubt that the possessed individual exhibits interesting abnormal psychological behavior and further, that his or her actions often symbolically express in some way unresolved past experiences of an interpersonal nature. But this is largely expressed and interpreted in a culturally specific symbolic system and the individual is reintegrated into a moral community through ritual action. When we approach the phenomena through problem-oriented paradigms we short-circuit the ethnographic process. If we are to carry the investigation further we have to e careful that we touch base at all times with native concepts. Indigenous terms and metaphors point us in the right direction. Indigenous classification constitutes the landscape. Myth and ritual provide us with models of how people think about and experience what we are unable to observe.


This procedure will, I believe, lead us in a different direction than does the problem oriented research of medical anthropology. Problem oriented research of the sort characterized in the beginning of the paper has a tendency to lead us back to where we started. We learn nothing new, nothing from others and little of real usefulness and ourselves. According to these views spirit possession is universally associated with specific psychological or physical conditions (e.g., calcium deficiency in the diet, as one recent suggestion runs). The behavior of the possessed is equated with the behavior of patients with such conditions. Ritual treatment of the possessed, to the extent that it is effective, is seen as a primitive form of the treatment of patients in a modern scientific clinic. These views ignore most of what is ethnographically relevant. We feel secure, perhaps, in identifying a universal or biological basis for behavior and confident in our own progressiveness for treating scientifically what others do with magic and ritual. But what do we really learn?

Unfortunately, possession is often ignored even in the ethnographies of cultures in which it occurs with remarkably high frequency and even in ceremonies in which the ethnographer records its occurrence. AT best we are given a simple description of the possession behavior, or the costume, or the dance-like movements of the possessed, or the occurrence of the act in relation to the temporal and musical aspects of the ceremony. Almost nowhere do we find an investigation of the meaning of possession in the same sense as we find discussions of other major religious phenomena, such as sacrifice or witchcraft.


So far, ethnography has failed to bring to bear on this phenomena what is important from a larger culture perspective. Ethnographers have missed an opportunity to understand a rather remarkable set of cultural events, a set which only the ubiquitous ethnographer is apt to witness n its greatest variety of forms and contexts.


What is probably most significant about possession is that it allows us to witness in detail the relationship between the expressive, and the interpretative and the integrative aspects of religion. Each case of possession is a case in point, varying from the highly standardized, routine and collective rituals held periodically at the village level to the spontaneous occurrence of possession in the household in the midst of daily life. The whole range is linked through a tradition of possession belief from which individual instances are interpreted and to which they contribute. We know little about such religious processes in any religious context, and a study of possession from this perspective would seem to me to constitute a major contribution.



References Cited
BECK, B. E. F : 1982 The Three Twins: The Telling of a South Indian Polk Epic. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

BEIDELMAN, T. 0. : 1980 "The Moral Imagination of the Kaguru: Some Thoughts on Trieksters, Translation, and Comparative Analysis." American Ethnologist 7: 27-42.

BHATT, P. G. : 1975 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture. Manipal (India): Manipal Power Press. 

BLACKBURN, S. : 1980 "Performance as Paradigm: A Rhythm in a Tamil Oral Tradition." Paper presented at the conference on Models and Metaphors in Indian Folklore, Berkeley, California, February 7-10,1980.

BOURGUIGNON, E. : 1968a "World Distribution and Patterns of Possession States." In R. Prince (ed.), Trance and Possession Slates. Montreal: R. M. Bucke Memorial Society.

1968h "A Cross-Cultural Study of Dissociational States: Final Report." Columbus: Ohio State University Research Foundation.



1973 "Introduction: A Framework for the Comparative study of Altered States of Consciousness." In E. Bourguignon (ed.), Religion, Altered States of Consciousness, and Social Change. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.

1976 Possession. Corte Madera, California: Chandler and Sharp.

BURNELL, A. E. : 1894 "The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas." Indian Antiquity 23.

CARSTAIRS, G. M. and R. L. KAPUR. : 1976 The Great Universe of Kota. London: The Hogarth Press.

CLAUS, P. : 1973 "Possession, Protection, and Punishment as Attributes of the Deities in a South Indian Village." Man in India 53:231-242.

1975 "The Sin Myth and Ritual: A Mass Possession Cult of South India." Ethnology 14:47-58.

1978 "Heroes and Heroines in the Conceptual Framework of Tulu Culture." Journal of Indian Folkloristics 1: 28-42.

1979a "Spirit Possession and Spirit Mediumship from the Perspective of Tulu Oral Traditions." Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry 3: 29-52.

1979b "Mayndala: A Myth and Possession Cult of Tulunad." Journal of Asian Folklore Studies: 38-95-129.

FOSTER, G.: 1976 "Disease Etiologies in Nonwestern Medical Systems." American Anthropologist 78: 773-782.

FOSTER, G. and B. ANDERSON. 1978 Medical Anthropology. New York: John Wiley and Sons,

LAKOFF, G. and M. JOHNSON : 1980 Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. MANNER, A.

1886 Pdddanolu. Mangalore: The Basel Mission Press. 

NICHTER, M. : 1979 "The Language of Illness in South Kanara (India)." Anthropos 74:181-201.

Obeyesekere, C. : 1976 "The Impact of Ayurvedic Ideas on the Culture and the [individual in Sri Lanka." In Charles Leslie (ed.), Asian Medical Systems. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pp.201-226.

1981 Medusa's Hair, Chicago: University of Chicago Press,


PADMANABHA, P. : 1971 "Special Study Report on Bhuta Cult in South Kanara District." Census of India, Series 14 Mysore (Karnataka), Miscellaneous (a). Delhi: Government of India Press.

ROGHAIR, G. : 1978 "The Role of Brahma Nayudu in the Epic of Palnadu, "Journal of Indian Folkloristics 1:15-26. 

 
1. A classic example of this may be seen in Carstairs and Kapur 1976. There possession is treated as a psychiatric symptom along with other such symptoms as anxiety, depression, psychosis, etc, True, they do place it in the context of the local South Kanara cultural setting (e.g., pp.59-61, 67-69) and qualify it as other than a mere symptom of mental illness by allowing that there is '4'.. a close association between cultural beliefs and psychopathology . , , "in the case of possession (1976:110).

A far more sophisticated discussion of the relationship between private symbols and public symbols having both personal and interpersonal significance may be found in Obeyesekere's recent book, Medusa's Hair (1981). In this book-too tightly argued and intricately documented to review here-Obeyesekere successfully demonstrates that phenomena such as possession can have deeply motivated unconscious meaning for the individual and at the same time fit meaningfully into a network of religious ideology. The two approaches (the public and the private) and the two interpretations (psychological and religious) need not be viewed contradictorily, as I, also, argue later in this paper. 

2. Defining the spirits worshiped by the Tuluvas as demons did not prohibit the 19th century missionary from studying the religious literature or practices of' 'demon worshipers," but it did, certainly, influence the way they treated the data, The Rev. A. Manner, for example, wrote in the preface to his fine collection of paddanolu (1886):

"As the physician in the course of his study requires in many cases to apply himself to unpleasant research, even so does the Mission-worker require often to study adverse literature, which may not be pleasant, to enable him efficiently to cope with the difficult task of meeting the heathen on his own ground. From a scientific point of view these stones are not of much worth, but they serve to give one an insight into the hollowness of demon-worship and enable the Mission-worker among this class of people to gain an insight into their ideas and to follow out their line of thought. ... It is therefore in the interest of the Mission-worker to whom, as aforesaid, such information is peculiarly valuable, and not with any intent to give wider publication to these stories that we have had them printed and I have in hand a small number of copies for sale at cost-price to missionaries and Mission-workers only, strictly prohibiting the loan or sale of such under any circumstances whatsoever, to the heathen" (1886: i). 

3. There are, of course, other aspects of the relation between this class of spirits and the human realm which could lead us to assume that spirit possession is essentially a medical phenomenon. In popular belief all around South Asia, diseases of many types are associated with the supernatural (smallpox with Mari or Sitala; leprosy with the cobra, etc.). Propitiation of supernatural agents of disease is a common means of ridding the community or the individual of many types of disease. There is no doubt here that many South Asians adhere to a medical belief system which falls into the broad class of what George Foster calls a personalistic etiology (Foster 1976; Foster and Anderson 1978). What is dangerous in this sort of labeling exercise, is to assume that the "real" diseases we recognize and explain by scientific medicine correspond to the same diseases another culture recognizes and explains by supernatural agents. If this were true, medical anthropology would have a rather simple task of translating one system into another. But this is not often the case. Not only are there different (from ours) and subtly varied notions of causality involved in any one system, but there are different ranges of phenomena identified as diseases. The very ideas of what constitutes disease, health, etc., are different. There are, for example, what Obeyesekere calls "cultural diseases," because "they are created, at least partly, by the cultural definition of the situation" (Obeyesekere 1976: 207). 

4. For more details, see Nichter's (1979) extensive discussion of the vocabulary of illness in this region of India. 

5. See Padmanabha 1971; Bhatt 1975; Burnell 1894. 

6. I am referring here to metaphor in the sense discussed in the book Metaphors We Live By, by Lakoff and Johnson (1980). 

7. The most usual general concept of the body which the metaphors for possession entail is that of a container. In this respect, the body is likened to an idol or a temple, both of which arc also containers for the supernatural. Pots, stones, trees, poles, and seats (benches, swings) are also common 'containers' for spirits and deities. Each of these items, including the body, emphasizes somewhat different aspects of the notion of containing: temples, for example, often stress a series of boundaries; idols stress visual form; long, flexible poles allow the vitality of the spirit contained therein to be expressed through a violent undulating motion. The human body, having a number of these features, is thought to be an especially appropriate container for the spirits of cultural heroes and deceased kinsmen. 

8. For a listing of comparative material on spirit possession in other cultures, see Bourguignon 1968a, 1968b, 1973, 1976, Bourguignon uses mental and physical states as the basis for ordering her data.

The Oldest Homo sapiens

The Oldest Homo sapiens

When the bones of two early humans were found in 1967 near Kibish, Ethiopia, they were thought to be 130,000 years old. A few years ago, researchers found 154,000- to 160,000-year-old human bones at Herto, Ethiopia. Now, a new study of the 1967 fossil site indicates the earliest known members of our species, Homo sapiens, roamed Africa about 195,000 years ago.
“It pushes back the beginning of anatomically modern humans,” says geologist Frank Brown, a co-author of the study and dean of the University of Utah’s College of Mines and Earth Sciences.The journal Nature is publishing the study in its Thursday Feb. 17, 2005, issue. Brown conducted the research with geologist and geochronologist Ian McDougall of Australian National University in Canberra, and anthropologist John Fleagle of New York state’s Stony Brook University.
The researchers dated mineral crystals in volcanic ash layers above and below layers of river sediments that contain the early human bones. They conclude the fossils are much older than a 104,000-year-old volcanic layer and very close in age to a 196,000-year-old layer, says Brown.
“These are the oldest well-dated fossils of modern humans (Homo sapiens) currently known anywhere in the world,” the scientists say in a summary of the study. 
Significance of an Earlier Emergence of Homo sapiens 
Brown says that pushing the emergence of Homo sapiens from about 160,000 years ago back to about 195,000 years ago “is significant because the cultural aspects of humanity in most cases appear much later in the record – only 50,000 years ago – which would mean 150,000 years of Homo sapiens without cultural stuff, such as evidence of eating fish, of harpoons, anything to do with music (flutes and that sort of thing), needles, even tools. This stuff all comes in very late, except for stone knife blades, which appeared between 50,000 and 200,000 years ago, depending on whom you believe.”
Fleagle adds: “There is a huge debate in the archeological literature regarding the first appearance of modern aspects of behavior such as bone carving for religious reasons, or tools (harpoons and things), ornamentation (bead jewelry and such), drawn images, arrowheads. They only appear as a coherent package about 50,000 years ago, and the first modern humans that left Africa between 50,000 and 40,000 years ago seem to have had the full set. As modern human anatomy is documented at earlier and earlier sites, it becomes evident that there was a great time gap between the appearance of the modern skeleton and ‘modern behavior.’”
The study moves the date of human skulls found in Ethiopia’s Kibish rock formation in 1967 back from 130,000 years to a newly determined date of 195,000 years ago, give or take 5,000 years. Fossils from an individual known as Omo I look like bones of modern humans, but other bones are from a more primitive cousin named Omo II.
In addition to the cultural question, the earlier date for humanity’s emergence is important for other reasons. “First, it makes the dates in the fossil record almost exactly concordant with the dates suggested by genetic studies for the origin of our species,” Fleagle says. “Second, it places the first appearance of modern Homo sapiens in Africa many more thousands of years before our species appears on any other continent. It lengthens that gap. … Finally, the similar dating of the two skulls indicates that when modern humans first appeared there were other contemporary populations [Omo II] that were less modern.” The study was funded by the National Science Foundation, the L. S. B. Leakey Foundation, the National Geographic Society and the Australian National University.
Modern Homo in the Valley of the Omo
Richard Leakey and his team of paleontologists traveled in 1967 to the Kibish Formation along the Omo River in southernmost Ethiopia, near the town of Kibish. They found the skull (minus the face) and partial skeleton (parts of arms, legs, feet and the pelvis) of Omo I, and the top and back of the skull of Omo II.
Brown was not part of the 1967 expedition, but was working nearby and got to look at the site and the fossils. “Anthropologists said they looked very different in their evolutionary status,” Brown recalls. “Omo I appeared to be essentially modern Homo sapiens, and Omo II appeared to be more primitive.” In 1967, the fossils were dated as being 130,000 years old, although the scientists doubted the accuracy of their dating technique, which was based on the decay of uranium-238 to thorium-238 in oyster shells from a rock layer near the skulls.
Fleagle says no scientist has been bold enough to suggest Omo II is anything other than Homo sapiens, and that “quite often at the time of major events in evolution, one finds an increase in morphological [anatomical] diversity.” Now that the new study confirms Omo I and Omo II are the same age – living within a few hundred years of each other about 195,000 years ago – some anthropologist suggest “maybe it [Omo II] isn’t so primitive after all,” Brown says.
McDougall, Brown and Fleagle and researchers from other universities returned to Kibish in 1999, 2001, 2002 and 2003. They identified sites where Omo I and Omo II were found in 1967, and obtained more of Omo I, including part of the femur (upper leg bone) that fit a piece found in 1967. They also found animal fossils and stone tools, and studied local geology. The Nature study includes initial results from those expeditions.
The fossil record of human ancestors may go back 6 million years or more, and the genus Homo arose at least 1.8 million years ago when australopithecines evolved into human ancestors known as Homo habilis. Brown says the fossil record of humans is poor from 100,000 to 500,000 years ago, so Omo I is significant because it now is well dated.
Dating the Dawn of Humanity
Both Omo I and Omo II were buried in the lowermost portion or “member” of the Kibish Formation, a series of annual flood sediments laid down rapidly by the ancient Omo River on the delta where it once entered Lake Turkana. Lake levels now are much lower, and the river enters the lake about 60 miles (100 kilometers) south of Kibish.
The 330-foot-thick (100-meter-thick) formation is divided into at least four members, with each of the four sets of layers separated from the other by an “unconformity,” which represents a period of time when rock eroded away instead of being deposited. For example, the lowermost Kibish I member was deposited in layers as the Omo River flooded each year. After thousands of years, rainfall diminished, lake levels dropped, and the upper part of Kibish I eroded away. Later, the lake rose and deposition resumed to create layers of Kibish member II.
Interspersed among the river sediments are occasional layers of volcanic ash from ancient eruptions of nearby volcanoes. Some ash layers contain chunks of pumice, which in turn contain feldspar mineral crystals. Feldspar has small amounts of radioactive potassium-40, which decays into argon-40 gas at a known rate. The gas, trapped inside feldspar crystals, allows scientists to date the feldspar and the pumice and ash encasing it.
Brown says potassium-argon dating shows that a layer of ash no more than 10 feet (3 meters) below Omo I’s and Omo II’s burial place is 196,000 years old, give or take 2,000 years. Another layer is 104,000 years old. It is almost 160 feet (50 meters) above the layer that yielded the Omo humans. The unconformities represent periods of time when rock was eroded, so the fossils must be much older than the 104,000-year-old layer and close in age to the 196,000-year-old layer, Brown says.
The clinching evidence, he says, comes from sapropels, which are dark rock layers on the Mediterranean seafloor that were deposited when floods of fresh water poured out of the Nile River during rainy times. The Blue Nile and White Nile tributaries share a drainage divide with the Omo River. During ancient wet periods, monsoons on the Ethiopian highlands sent annual floods surging down the Nile system, causing sapropels to form on the seafloor, and sent floods down the Omo, making Lake Turkana rise and depositing Kibish Formation sediments on the river’s ancient delta. (During dry periods, Lake Turkana was smaller, flood sediments were deposited farther south and rocks at Kibish were eroded.)
No other sediments on land have been found to record wet and dry periods that correlate so well with the same climate pattern in ocean sediments, Brown says. The new study found that the “members” – or groups of rock layers – of the Kibish formation were laid down at the same time as the Mediterranean sapropels. In particular, the volcanic layer right beneath Omo I and II dates to 196,000 years ago by potassium-argon dating, and it corresponds almost perfectly to a sapropel layer previously dated as 195,000 years old, Brown says.
“It is pretty conclusive,” says Brown, who disputes any contention that the fossils might be closer to 104,000 years old. 

Source: University of Utah