BEING THERE: FIELDWORK IN ANTHROPOLOGY
EDITED BY ; C. W. WATSON
A HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY
THOMAS HYLLAND ERIKSEN AND FINN SIVERT NIELSEN
This is an ambitious book, but not a pretentious one. It is ambitious in that it tries, within the space of relatively few pages, to make sense of the diverse history of anthropology. Our priorities, omissions and interpretations are bound to be contested, since there can be no single authoritative history of anything, least of all a sprawling, dynamic and disputed field like anthropology. Still, the book is unpretentious, since our aim throughout has been to offer a sober and balanced account of the historical growth of anthropology as a discipline, not to propose a radical re-interpretation of it. There exists a growing scholarly literature on the history of anthropology, which this textbook does not try to compete with. Nevertheless, we know of no existing book with exactly the same scope as this one. The scholarly literature is often specialised, and existing textbooks on anthropological history are either more theoretically oriented or more committed to one or a few professional traditions. Although we may not always have succeeded, we have strived to give an impression of the parallel, convergent and interdependent developments of all major traditions in social and cultural anthropology.
The book is chronologically ordered. Beginning with the ‘proto-anthropologies’ from ancient Greece to the Enlightenment, it continues with the creation of academic anthropology and the growth of classical sociology during the nineteenth century. The third chapter concentrates on the four men who, by general consensus, are considered the founding fathers of twentieth-century anthropology, and the fourth chapter indicates how their work was continued, and diversified, by their students. The fifth and sixth chapters both deal with the same period – from about 1946 to about 1968, but concentrate on different trends: Chapter 5 discusses the theoretical controversies surrounding concepts of society and social integration, while Chapter 6 covers concepts of culture and symbolic meaning. In Chapter 7, the intellectual and political upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s are presented, with emphasis on the impulses emanating from Marxism and feminism. Chapter 8 deals with the 1980s, concentrating on the postmodernist movement and its close cousin, postcolonialism, two critical trends, which seriously challenged the discipline’s self-confidence; while the ninth and final chapter presents a few of the major post-postmodern trends that emerged during the 1990s.
BY R.R. MARETT, M.A. READER IN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD AUTHOR OF “THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION,” ETC.
“Bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, are these half-brutish prehistoric brothers. Girdled about with the immense darkness of this mysterious universe even as we are, they were born and died, suffered and struggled. Given over to fearful crime and passion, plunged in the blackest ignorance, preyed upon by hideous and grotesque delusions, yet steadfastly serving the profoundest of ideals in their fixed faith that existence in any form is better than non-existence, they ever rescued triumphantly from the jaws of ever-imminent destruction the torch of life which, thanks to them, now lights the world for us. How small, indeed, seem individual distinctions when we look back on these overwhelming numbers of human beings panting and straining under the pressure of that vital want! And how inessential in the eyes of God must be the small surplus of the individual’s merit, swamped as it is in the vast ocean of the common merit of mankind, dumbly and undauntedly doing the fundamental duty, and living the heroic life! We grow humble and reverent as we contemplate the prodigious spectacle.”
WILLIAM JAMES, in Human Immortality.
Anthropology_Produced by Ron Swanson.doc
Biological Anthropology and Ethics: From Repatriation to Genetic Identity
EDITED BY TRUDY R. TURNER
Anthropology can be defined as the study of humankind in all its aspects. Biological anthropology is one of the four fields of anthropology. Cultural anthropologists, archaeologists, and linguists approach the breadth of the study of the human experience from the touchstone of culture. Biological anthropologists concentrate on the biological basis of human behavior, diversity, and evolution using evolutionary theory as the major organizing principle. It is a particularly diverse field of inquiry. Practitioners of the field face an array of ethical issues as they confront their involvement and obligations to their research subjects, their discipline, society, and the environment. These issues are complex and often contentious. Many biological anthropologists are most familiar with the issues in their own particular subfield; they are not always aware of the similarities across subfields. The participants in this volume represent the major subfields of biological anthropology—primatology, genetics, human biology, paleontology, and skeletal biology. Each participant has confronted ethical challenges in his or her work and has reflected on the nature of ethical challenges and principles in the discipline. The underlying assumptions inherent in the ways we address these ethical issues provide the norms (or principles of action) of the discipline. A code of professional ethics, a common consensus, forms the framework for the ways members of our profession should act.
Biological Anthropology and Ethics.pdf
Belief in God: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion
By T. J . MAWSON, CLARENDON PRESS OXFORD
Two people have been more influential than any others in the development of my thought on these topics. The first is John Kenyon, my undergraduate tutor in Philosophy. The second is Richard Swinburne, my graduate supervisor. Later in life, I have had the privilege and pleasure of knowing each of them as colleagues and friends and neither has ever failed to improve my thinking in my conversations with them. The questions to which this book addresses itself
were first put to me in a philosophically rigorous way by John; and he was the first to guide me to care about trying to answer them in a similar fashion. Anybody who is familiar with the work of Richard will recognize his influence on almost every page of this book: on starting points, we are often in complete agreement; on conclusions, less so. But in both their cases my debt is of course not for the conclusions that I reach but for the questions that I ask and the method by which I seek to answer them. If progress in Philosophy is marked not so much by an accumulation of answers as by the improvement of one’s questions, then these two have helped me most in what progress I have been able to make. Many of the ideas that I draw on in this book have appeared in more detailed form in articles in Religious Studies. I am grateful for comments on these articles by the editor, Peter Byrne, and by the various anonymous referees who have reviewed them. Others have appeared or will appear in more detailed form in the International Journal for Philosophy of Religion and The Heythrop Journal ; again, I am grateful to the editors of these journals and their anonymous referees for their comments. Yet others have been discussed informally with members of the Natural Theology group that meets at the Athenaeum: Douglas Hedley, Dave Leal, and Mark Wynn. I am grateful to them for their insights. And most of the ideas that I draw on here have been tried out first on my pupils. In term time, almost every week sees me trying out some new idea or example in a tutorial with a pupil, safe in the knowledge that should I have overlooked some flaw that he or she spots, I shall be able to hide my embarrassment behind some Delphic utterance. If any pupil of mine reading this has ever wondered why I spent so much time in one of his or her tutorials insisting that he or she explain at length why some patently flawed argument does not work as if to someone who was so slow that they hadn’t yet grasped it, now he or she knows the answer. A number of people have been kind enough to read the penultimate draft and offer suggestions for improvement. They are: Rodes Fishburne, Caroline Mawson, Richard Swinburne, and the two anonymous readers for OUP. For having extirpated a lot of worthless ideas from my thinking on these issues, all these people (as well as those whose only form of acknowledgement is that their work appears in the bibliography) must take credit; for those worthless ideas that remain, the blame falls solely on me.
Penultimately, I would like to thank those at OUP involved in the practicalities of bringing this book to publication, especially Rupert Cousens, Rebecca Bryant, and Sylvia Jaffrey. Finally, I would like to thank my colleagues at St Peter’s for providing me with the supportive environment in which I wrote this book. As I look back on my last five or so years here, I am reminded of the story of a man who, looking back at the end of a long life, commented that he had had a lot of troubles but that most of them had never actually happened. I have been unfortunate in having a lot of troubles in my time at St Peter’s, but this has been more than compensated for by my good fortune in having as colleagues people who have ensured that none of them have ever actually happened.
Effectiveness of Quality Assurance
In the early 1980’s, the Census Bureau looked at its quality control approach and the analyses for 1980 census operations attempting to answer several questions. What was the quality of the product? What were the errors and what were the deficiencies in the process? Particular interest was placed on the quality control techniques used and, where problems existed, what were these problems and how could they have been prevented? In this light, what should be the approach for the 1990 census? The Census Bureau recognized the problems of relying on the inspection and repair method that was used for 1980 operations. This approach had not been completely successful. It was decided that the Deming philosophy with its approach toward total quality improvement would better serve the decennial census program.
Four major components to the 1990 quality assurance approach were decided upon, namely: build quality into the system; constantly improve the system; integrate responsibility for quality with production; and, clearly differentiate between quality assurance and quality control.
BIO-SECURITY: Towards an Anthropology of the contemporary
MAN: AN INTRODUCTION TO ANTHROPOLOGY.
THE first edition of this book, published in 1900, -*- has been out of print for some time. In this edition the same general plan has been followed; and, while there have been but few changes made, there are a number of additions. A new chapter has been added on "The Development of Culture" in which some of the views presented, I think, can not be found elsewhere. There are many excellent works written on zoology, treating of the various phases of animal life, some of them ending with, and others including, man ; but, beyond mentioning the different races of mankind, the majority of them have very little to say relative to the human species ; and, on the other hand, the many different books, so far as I know, written in the English language, treating of mankind, start out with the consideration of man as man, and make little or no reference to the zoological aspect of the subject, t. e., the zoology of man. There seems to be a break in our literature on this races, is the most suitable in a work of this character.
It will be noted that, apparently, the rule of from the lower to the higher has been departed from in the instance of the Red race in placing it between the Yellow and White races. The reason for doing this is that the affinity between the Yellow and Red races seems to be so close that we must consider the latter race to be dependent upon the former for its origin, and hence this arrangement. It might possibly have been well to have considered them as constituting a single race. In the sub-title of this work the word Anthropology is used in its most comprehensive and broadest sense, although much herein included belongs to that special field of anthropology termed Ethnology, which has for its consideration the relations of the different varieties of mankind to each other (Latham, Keane). The science of Ethnography, which is descriptive of individuals irrespective of their relationship to other peoples, is also necessarily touched upon. These terms are here mentioned for the reason that confusion continually occurs owing to the incorrect usage of them.
Many authorities have been consulted in the preparation of this work ; but especial obligation should be acknowledged to the Ethnology by Prof. A. H. Keane, The Earth and Its Inhabitants by Elisee Reclus, The Races of Man by Oscar Peschel, and many of the writings of the late Dr. Daniel G. Brinton. Acknowledgment should also be made to Prof. William Z. Ripley, of Columbia University, for certain suggestions of value which he very kindly made.
On The Edges of Anthropology (Interviews) by James Clifford.
Five interlocutors invite me to reflect on different aspects and moments of my work. Their questions provoke a kind of thinking-out-loud: ideas restated and revised, second thoughts. One interviewer is a Brazilian ethnologist who asks about my background as a historian and how I approach the history of anthropology. Another is a British cultural theorist concerned with site-specificity and the “ethnographic” turn in contemporary art. A third brings questions from comparative literature, and a Portuguese perspective on North American identity politics. An anthropologist from Hawai’i elicits my thoughts on decolonization and cultural change in the Island Pacific. A Japanese anthropologist, now working with Mayans in Guatemala, pursues similar issues in the context of contemporary indigenous struggles.
Interviews can reveal how one’s work emerges from particular times and places. Reading these second thoughts now, it’s apparent that during the years they address, 1970-2000, profound changes were underway. In the universities, newly diverse populations filled the classrooms; canons came under scrutiny; academic genres and disciplines blurred. And even in the relatively insulated intellectual milieux that I frequented, there was a pervasive sense of being displaced, undermined, provoked by world historical forces: unfinished business from the global “sixties,” social movements, new politics of representation and culture, the rise of neo-liberalism, novel forms of empire, communication, government and resistance.
Many stop-gap terms registered the changes: “postmodernity,” “late capitalism,” “globalization,” “postindustrial” society, “decolonization,” “multiculturalism,” “transnationality,” “the world system of